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MEMOIR /i/^ //^J , 



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• M 



JOHN E NDE COTT, 



riRST GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY: 



BY 



CHARLES M. ENDICOTT, 

A DESCENDANT OF THE SEVENTH GENERATION: W ,, ,- . . %\ 

BEING ALSO 



A SUCCINCT ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONY, 



FROM 1628 TO 1665. 



Pat I- (a cava, cnvfoi- Itbertas." 



"Anil Cnlrh the son of Jrplinnneh the Kcneiiip, said unto him, [Joshua] Forty years olil was 1, when Moses, 
the servant of tiie Lon!, sent nie IVnni KaJesh - barnea to espy out the laud ; and I hrought him word again as it was ill 
mine heart. Ami Moses sware on that day, saying, Surely the laiul whereon thy feet hatli trodden shall be thiue 
inheritance and thy cliildreu'a Ibreverj because Ihou hast wholly followed the Lord my God. — Joshua, ch. 14, v. ti, 7, 9. 



SALEM: 

PRINTED AT THE OBSERVER OFFICE. 

MDCCCXLVII. 












Eniereil according lo Act of Congress, ia tke yeiir 1317, 
BY CHARLES M. ENDICOTT, 
ill the Cletk'3 Ollirc of ehe District Court of the District of Massachiiscti, 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I . 



His Birth — Early Life — Profession — Marriage — Family Relations — Unites in the Purchase 
of a Grant for the Settlement of Massachusetts Bay — Sails from England — Doggrel in 
honor of him — Reflections — Arrives at Naumkeag — Settlement of Salem. . Page 11. 

CHAPTER II. 

Age at the time of his Emigration — Constitution — Import of his first Letters — Old Planters 
not satisfied — Compromise with them — Suggests various things for the benefit of the 
Colony — Confirmed Governor — His Orchard — Old Pear Tree — Model of Government — 
His Temperament — Sickness among the Planters — Death of his Wife — Letter to Gov. 
Bradford — Visits Mt. Wollaston Page 19. 

CHAPTER III. 

Arrival of Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelton — Description of the Settlement at the time — 
Church Established — Troubles witii the Brownes — Sends them to England — Proposals in 
England to transfer the Government to this Country — Agreed upon — John Winthrop 
chosen Governor — Sickness and Distress in the Colony — Gov. Winthrop arrives — Situation 
of the Colony at this [time Page 30. 

CHAPTER IV. 

New Settlers displeased with Salem — Jealousies towards the Plymouth Settlement — Endecott's 
second Marriage — Newton the Capital — Higginson's death — Roger Williams — Letter to 
Governor Winthrop — Subjects of the Letter considered — Winthrop visits Salem — Sachem 
Wahquamachet visits the Colony Page 37. 

CHAPTER V. 

His Farm Granted him — Description — Scenery — Roger Williams returns to Salem — Ladies' Veils 
— Colonists troubled by news from England — Cuts the Cross from the King's Colors — 
Doings thereupon — The Sword preserved — Trouble arising out of the settlement of Mr. 
Williams — Mr. Endecott committed for contempt — Commands an Expedition against the 
Block Island and Pequot Indians — His views about the Cross triumph. . . Page 45. 



CONTENTS, 



CHAPTER VI. 



Mr. Williams banished — Hutchinson troubles — Colonists fear an Aristocracy — Hugh Peter 
sent to England as Agent — Endecott chosen Deputy Governor — Troubles with D'Aulney 
and La Tour — Letter to Winlhrop — Ipswich Remonstrance — Letter to Governor Winthrop in 
his justification — Letter about tlie troubles at Gloucester — Confederation formed — Troubles 
with " Chaddock" — Castle in Boston Harbor rebuilt — Superstition of the Times. Page GO. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Mr. Endecott Governor — Improvements in the Legislature — Misunderstandings there — D'Aulney 
and La Tour troubles settled — Civil War rages in England — Perplexities arising therefrom 
in the Colony — Introduction of Free Schools — Succeeded as Governor by Dudley — 
Appointed Sergeant Major General and Commissioner — Letter to Governor Winthrop — 
Copper Mine Page 74. 

C H A P T E R V I I I . 

Death of Winthrop — Chosen Governor — Troubles during his Adaiinistration — Protest against 
Long Hair — Mint established — Removes to Boston — Grant of Land on Ipswich and 
Blerrimack Rivers — Letter to John Leverett. Page 81. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Prosperity and Trade of the Colony — Quaker Difficulties —His conduct vindicated — Grant of 
one fourth of Block Island — His conduct to the Indians. .... Page S7. 

CHAPTER X. 

Death of Oliver Cromwell — Restoration of the Stuart Family — Complaints against the Colonists 
— Letter to John Leverett, Colonial Agent in England — Charles II. proclaimed King — 
Mandamus for the arrest of Whallcy and Goffe — His Letter to the Earl of Clarendeu 
thereupon — Explanation of his conduct. Pa"e 91. 

CHAPTER XI. 

Dissolves his Connexion with the Salem Church — His Death and Burial — Not a favorite 
with Charles the Second — Reasons therefor — His fearless and independent spirit — Reflections 
at the close of his life — Situation of his Family at the time of his Death — Male 
Descendants — Character of the Colonists generallv. Pa^e 10"3. 



INTRODUCTORY NOTICE. 



It is now upwards of two centurii'S and a quarter since the despotic 
swav of (lie English Sovereigns over the consciences of their subjects, 
induced all who entertained different sentiments from those of the 
established church, to turn their eyes towards the wilderness of America 
as an asylum from the unnatural persecutions of the Mother Country. 

With this view, some of the principal men among those who had 
already souf^ht a refuge in Holland, commenced treating with the Virginia 
Company, and at the same time took measures to ascertain whether the 
King would grant them liberty of conscience should they remove thither. 
They ultimately effected a satisfactory arrangement with the Company, 
but from James they could obtain no public recognition of religious liberty, 
but merely a promise that if they behaved peaceably he would not molest 
them on account of their religious opinions. 

On the 6th of September, 1620, a detachment from the Church at 
Leyden set sail from Plymouth for the Virginia territory, but owing to 
the treachery of the master,' they were landed at Cape Cod, and ultimately 
at Plymouth, on the 11th day of December following. Finding themselves 
without the jurisdiction of the Virginia Company, they established a distinct 



' It is so stated ia the N. E. Mem. The Planters' Plea notices it rather as the eflfect of 
accident, from the prevailing winds, than any design on the part of the master. 



6 INTRODUCTORY NOTICE. 

government for themselves. In the year 1624, the success of this 
plantation was so favorably represented in tiio West of England, that 
the Rev. John White, a distinguished minister in Dorchester, prevailed 
upon some merchants and others to undertake another settlement in New- 
England. Having provided a common stock, they sent over several 
persons to begin a plantation at Cape Ann, where they were joined by 
some disaffected individuals from the Plymouth settlement. This project 
was soon abandoned as unprofiiable, and a portion of the settlers removed 
westward within the territory of Nanmkeag, which then extended to 
what is now INIanchester. By the intercession and great exertions of 
Mr. White, the project of a settlement in this neighborhood was not 
altogether relinquished, and a new company was soon afterwards formed. 
One of this company, and the principal one to carry its objects into 
immediate effect, was the subject of this Memoir. He was in the 
strictest sense of the word, a Puritan ; a sect composed, as an able 
foreign writer has said, of the " most remarkable body of men which 
perhaps the world has ever produced. They were men whose minds 
had derived a peculiar character from the daily contemplation of superior 
beings and eternal interests. Not content with acknowledging in general 
terms an overruling Providence, they habitually ascribed every event to 
the will of the Great Being for whose power nothing was too vast, for 
whose inspection nothing was too minute. To know him, to serve him, 
to enjoy him, was with them the great end of existence. They rejected 
with contempt the ceremonious homage ^hich other sects substituted for 
the homage of the soul. — On the rich and the eloquent, on nobles and 
priests they looked down with contempt; for they esteemed themselves 
rich in a more precious treasure, and eloquent in a more sublime language ; 
nobles by the right of an earlier creation, and priests by the imposition 
of a mightier hand.'' 



INTRODUCTORY NOTICE. 7 

Tlic following pages, commemorative of tlio life and character of 
Gov. Endecott, arc intended only for the partial eye of his descendants, 
merely as a private family record. We trust, therefore, that al! proper 
allowances will be made for imperfection in st\le or language, bearing in 
mind that the author makes no pretensions to elegant diction, or literary 
accomplishments of any kind. In poj/traying the character of his first 
American ancestor, he has attempted merely a plain statement of facts, 
without any effort to dress them up in the fascinating garb of high 
wrought imagery or romantic conceptions. In his labor to effect this, he 
has been encouraged by the example of Old Mortality, who " considered 
himself as fulfilling a sacred duty while renewing to the eyes of posterity 
the decaying emblems of the zeal and sufferings of their forefathers, and 
thereby trimming, as it were, the beacon - light which was to warn future 
generations to defend their religion even unto blood." 

C. M. E. 
Salem, Mass., 1847. 



Note. — The author in compiling this Blemoir, besides drawing upon family tradition and 
public records, has been largely indebted to Fell's Annals of Salem ; and has also derived much 
assistance from Savage's Winthrop, Morton's N. E. Mem., Hazard's Coll., Planters' Plea, Mass. 
Hist. Coll., and various other works of a similar character, all which he has intended to mention 
in his notes of reference; but lest in some instances he has inadvertently omitted it, he now 
makes this acknowledgement. 



TO 



THE POSTERITY 

OF 

JOHN ENDECOTT, Esq. 

THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 
AND WHO FOR MANY YEARS 
SERVl-D THAT INFANT SETTLEMENT AS A FAITHFUL AND DEVOTED GUIDE AND FRIEND, 
IN VARIOUS OFFICES OF HONOR AND TRUST, 

THIS MEMOIR 

IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, BY THEIR MOST OBEDIENT SERVANT, 

THE AUTHOR. 



E MOIR. 



CHAPTER I 



His Birth — Early Life — Profession — Blarriage — Family Relations — Unites in the Purchase 
of a Grant for the Settlement of Massachusetts Bay — Sails from England — Doggrel in 
honor of him — Reflections — Arrives at Naumkeag — Settlement of Salem 



*' He is nobly horn — 

Wliom nnlurc al his birlli, euitoweJ Willi virtuous qualities." 

John Endecott, wliose name is so intimately associated with the first 
settlement of this country, and with whose early history his own is so 
closely inwoven, that in the language of tlic late Reverend and learned 
Dr. Bentley,' " above all others he deserved the name of the Father 
OF New England," was born in Dorchester, Dorsetshire, England, in 
the year 1588. He was a man of good intellectual endowments and mental 
culture, possessed of a vigorous mind and a fearless and independent 
spirit, which well fitted him for the various and frying duties he was 
destined to perform. Of his early life and private and domestic character, 
little is known ; neither are we much better informed as to his parentage, 
except that his family was of respectable standing and moderate fortunes. 
He belonged to that class in England, called esquires or gentlemen, 
composed mostly at that period of the independent landholders of the realm. 
With the exception, therefore, of a few leading incidents, we are 
reluctantly obliged to pass over nearly the whole period of Mr. Endecott's 



'Bentley's Letter to the Elder Adams, among the Mss. of the Mass. Hist. Society. 



12 MEMOIR. 

life, previous to his engaging in the enterprise for the settlement of 
New England. History is almost silent upon the subject, and the 
tradition of the family has been but imperfectly transmitted and preserved. 
His letters, the only written productions which are left us, furnish internal 
evidence that he was a man of liberal education and cultivated mind. 
There are proofs of his having been, at some period of his life, a 
surgeon ;' yet as he is always alluded to, in the earliest records of the 
Massachusetts Company, by the title of Captain, there can be no doubt 
whatever that at some time previous to his emigration to this country he 
had held a commission in the army ; and his subsequently passing through 
the several military grades, to that of Sergeant Major General of 
Massachusetts, justifies this conclusion ; while the causes which led to 
this change in his profession cannot now be ascertained. 

While a resident in London, he married a lady of an influential 
family by the name of Anna Gouer, by whom it is understood he had 
no children. She was eousiu to Matthew Cradock, the Governor of the 
Massachusetts Company in England. If tradition be correct, the 
circumstances which brought about this connexion, were similar to those 
which are related of John Alden and Miles Standish.® Some needle 
work wrought by this lady, is still preserved in the Museum of the Salem 
East India Marine Society.^ Mr. Endecott was also brother-in-law 
to Roger Ludlow, Assistant and Deputy Governor of the Massachusetts 
Colony in the year 1634, and afterwards famous in the settlement of 
New Haven. 



'The Rev. Mr. Felt has recently found the cure of a man committed to his care: lie 

among some papers at the State House, Boston, there styles himself "Chirurgeon." 

a bill made out in Gov. Endecott's own hand 'Vide New England Blemoir, p. 263. 

writing and presented to the General Court for =• Deposited there by the author, in 1828. 



MKIMOIR. 13 

But Mr. Endecott's highest daiin to distinction rests upon the fact 
that he was an intrepid and successful header of the Pilgrims, and the 
earliest pioneer of the Massachusetts settlement under the Patent. His 
name is found enrolled among the very foremost of that noble band, the 
Fathers and Founders of New England : — those pious and devout men, 
who, firm in faith and trusting in God, went fearlessly forward in 
the daring enterprise, and hewed their homes and their altars out of the 
wild and tangled forest, where they could worship " the God of their 
fathers agreeably to the dictates of their own consciences." Such was 
the persecution to which the non - conformists in England were at this 
period subjected, that the works of nature were the only safe witnesses 
of their devotions. Deriving no honor, so far as we know, from the 
dozing halls of ancestry, Mr. Endecott was the architect of his own 
fame, and won the laurels which encircle his name amid sacrifices, 
sufferings, and trials, better suited to adorn an historical romance, than to 
accompany a plain tale of real life. 

Under the guidance and influence of the Rev. Mr. Skelton, he 
embraced the principles of the Puritans ; and in the beginning of the 
year 1628, associated himself with Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, 
Simon Whetcomb, John Humphrey, and Thomas Southcoat, in the 
purchase of a grant " by a considerable sum of money,'" for the settlement 
of Massachusetts Bay, from the Plymouth Council in England. This 
grant was subsequently confirmed by Patent from Charles the First. 
He was one of the original patentees, and the first of that Company 
who emigrated to this country.^ 



' Hubbard's Indian Narrative, p. 4. good affection to the work, and offering the 

' * « # ic some men showing some help of tlieir purses if fit men might be procured 

4 



14 



]\IEMOIR. 



Whatever may have been the objects of the first settlers gencrall}' 
in colonizing New England, there can be no doubt that Ins was, the 
establishment of their own forms of church government and discipline, in 
a place where they might live under them unmolested, and enjoy 
Christ and his ordinances in their primitive purity. With him it was 
wholly a religious enterprise. 

He sailed from Weymouth in the ship Abigail, Henry Gauden 
master, on the 20th June, 1628. On board this little vessel wiih himself 
and wife, lie enclosed the germ of that colony which was destined 
hereafter to exert an important influence upon the social freedom of the 
whole world, in a company of about one hundred planters. The following 
extract from " Johnson's Wonder Working Providence," will illustrate 
the estimation in which he was held at this period : " The much honoured 
John Indicat came over with them, to governe, a fit instrument to 
begin this Wildernesse - worke ; of courage bold, undaunted, yet sociable 
and of a cheerfull spirit, loving and austere, applying himselfe to either 
as occasion served. And now let no man be offended at the Author's 
rude Verse, penned of purpose to keepe in memory the Names of 
such worthies as Christ made strong for himselfe, in this unwonted 
worke of his. 

'■ John Endicaty twice Covernur of the EaglUh, inhabiting the Mjtlachuscts Hay in .\, Eng'and. 

"Strong valiant Jolin -vvilt tliou marcli on, and taku up sl.ilion first, 
Christ cal'd hatli thee, his Souldicr be, and faile not of thy trust; 

Wilderness wants Christs grace supplants, then plant his Churches pure. 
With Tongues gifted, and graces led, help thou to his procure; 



IQ go over, inquiry was made whether any a man well known to divers persons of good 

would be willing to engage their persons in the note, who manifested much willingness to accept 

voyage. By this inquiry it fell out that among of ihe ofl'cr as soon as it was tendered, which 

others they lighted at last on Master Endecott, gave great encouragement," etc. — Planters' Plea. 



MEMOIR. 15 

UiiJaunted thou wilt not iillow, Malignant men to wast: 
Christs Vineyard licere, whose grace should cheer, his well - beloved's ta=l. 

Then honored be, thy Christ hath thee their General! promoted: 
To shew their love in place above, his people have tliee voted. 

Yet must thou fall, to grave with all the Nobles of the Earth, 
Thou rotting; worme to dust must turn, and worse but for new hirth." 

He was made deeply sensible by the Company's instructions that 
much was expected from his exertions, and the impotency of this 
small beginning to colonize a new country, magnificent as it has been 
in its results, must have appeared to him almost appalling. It was an 
enterprise which he knew must be pursued under every privation and 
difticulty, and achieved only with great distress, suffering and fatigue. 
How conflicting must have been the emotions which filled the breasts 
of this " forlorn hope" of the Puritan party, as they stood for the last 
time upon the short-s of their native country and exchanged the parting 
look and embrace with kindred and friends ! And when by a transition 
almost imperceptible to their bewildered senses, they found themselves 
launched upon the watery element, and those shores fast receding from 
their sight ! when, too, for the first time, night gathered around, and 
the feeling crept over them that they were indeed alone upon the deep, 
with none but the all - seeing eye of their Maker to watch them 
in their progress upon the trackless ocean, towards a distant and 
unexplored country ! how devoutly and fervently must they have prayed 
that he " who iiolds the waters in the hollow of his hand, who rides upon 
the whirlwind and directs the storm," would guide in safety their little 
bark on its solitary way! Behind them they had left a land which 
indeed they called their own, their " father laud," but stript of its 
endearments and hallowed associations by the recollection of wrongs and 
chastisements endured there for conscience sake ! Before them, all was 
wrapped in obscurity and gloom. But under the benign influences 



16 



MEMOIR. 



of tliat religious faith, which had led them to peril every earthly 
interest, the star of hope, like the pillar of fire to the Israelites, guided 
them on their way, and supported them in the belief, that God who 
" tempers the winds to the shorn lamb," would not forsake them in 
their helplessness. They arrived in safety at Naumkeag, the place of 
their destination, on the 6th of September following.' 

To this Company, under Endecott, belongs the honor of having 
formed the first permanent and legally recognized settlement at this 
place. We do not pretend, however, that they were the first white 
men who ever trod the soil ; for we know when Endecott landed on 
these shores, he found here a few fishermen and others, the remnant of 
a planting, trading and fishing establishment previously commenced at Cape 
Ann, under the auspices of some gentlemen belonging to Dorchester, his 
native place, but soon abandoned for want of success. Their leader, 
the Rev. John Lyford, had already emigrated to Virginia, and those of 
that company who removed their effects hither, consisted at that time 
of some five or six persons, most of whom were secedcrs from the 
settlement at Plymouth. They were, however, only sojourners, disaffected 



' A fancy sketch of llicir first landing is 
thus drawn by the Annalist of Salem : 

"Striking indeed, must have been the scene 
OQ this occasion. The islands and main shores 
are covered with wood, thronged with their 
wild inhabitants. The liarbor abounds with 
sportive fish far exceeding the wants of the 
adjacent settlers. The new Governor with his 
wife and friends near the strand which they 
had ardently wished to behold. On one side 
tlie old planters wiin the benevolent Conant 
at their head. On another the Indians with 



tlieir minor Sagamore and his guardian before 
them. Those on the land gaze intently on the 
new comers as they approach. Every one 
receives a silent Impression of the stranger as 
he looks upon his face. The thoughts and 
feelings of the whole Company are out of the 
common course. The doings and emotions 
of that day were never effaced from his memory. 
It was no ordinary theme for the pencil of 
the artist. Its well drawn sketch would deserve 
to be classed with that of tlic Pilgrims at tlic 
Rock of Plymouth." 



MEMOIR. 17 

with the place, and requiring all the interest and entreaties of the Rev. 
John White, a noted minister in Dorchester, to prevent them from 
forsaking it altogether and following Mr. Lyford to Virginia. But 
higher motives and deeper purposes fired the souls, and stimulated the 
hearts of Mr. Endecott and his friends to commence this settlement, 
and to form new homes for themselves and their posterity in this 
wilderness, before which the mere considerations of traffic and gain, sink 
into comparative insignificance. It was the love of religion implanted 
deep in the heart, that gave impulse and permanency to the settlement 
of Naumkeag, and the Massachusetts Colony generally ; and the 
commencement of this era, was the arrival of Endecott, with the first 
detachment of those holy and devout men, who valued earthly pursuits 
only so far as they were consistent with religion. It was also at this 
period, that a sort of definite reality was imparted to this region. 
Previously, all idea of it had floated in the mind like vague and loose 
fantasies, as a sort of " terra incognita," situated somewhere in the 
wilderness of America. But the arrival of the Pilgrims at this time, 
dispelled the uncertainty in which it had before been wrapped, and at 
the same time threw around it the warmest sympathies, and most earnest 
solicitude, of large numbers who had now become deeply interested 
in its welfare. We therefore consider the landing of Endecott at 
this place, as emphatically the commencement of its permanent settlement 
as an asylum for the persecuted and oppressed of the Mother Country. 
All previous visitors were comparatively adventurers, with motives and 
purposes widely different from those of that little band, who first rested 
upon this spot on the 6th of September, 1628.' On that day, if I 



' During this whole lustre of years, from in the Massachusetts, till the year 1629, after 
1625, there was little matter of moment acted the obtaining the patent ; the former years 



18 



MEMOIR. 



may so speak, was breathed into the settlement of Nautnkeag the bieatli 
of life, and it became as it were, endowed with a living soul, — folding 
within its embrace the dearest interests and most cherished rights of 
humanity.^ Although destined to be eclipsed, in splendor and importance, 
by her more fortunate neighbor, and younger sister, the Metropolis, yet 
to stand unrivalled in the interest she will ever excite, as the most 
ancient town in the Massachusetts Patent. 



being spent in fishing and trading, by the 
Dorchester merchants and some others, in the 
West country. — Hubbard's JVarralive. Mass. Hist. 
Coll. 2-5, 110. 

' We are indebted to Wood's N. England 
Prospect, published in London in 1634, for the 
following early description of Salem : " Four 
miles north - east from Saugus, lielh Salem, 
which stands on the middle of a neck of 
land very pleasantly, having a South River 
on one side, and a North River on the other 
side. Upon this neck, where the most of the 
houses stand, is very bad and sandy ground. 
Yet, for seven years together, it hath brought 



forth exceeding good corn, by being fished, 
but every third year. In some places is very 
good ground, and very good timber, and divers 
springs, hard by the sea - side. Here, likewise, 
is store of fish, as basses, eels, lobsters, clams, 
&c. Although their land be none of the best, 
yet beyond those rivers is very good soil, where 
they have taken farms, and get in their hay, 
and plant their corn. — It hath two good 
harbors, the one being called Winter, and the 
other Summer harbor, which lieth within 
Darby's fort ; which place if it be well fortified, 
might keep ships from landing of forces in 
any of those two places." 



CHAPTER II. 

Age at the time of his Emigration — Constitution — Import of his first Letters — Old Planters 
not satisfied — Compromise with them — Suggests various things for the benefit of the 
Colony — Confirmed Governor — His Orchard — Old Pear Tree — Model of Government — 
His Tempcratnent — Sickness among the Planters — Death of his Wife — Letter to Gov. 
Bradford — Visits Mt. Wollaston. 

At the period of Mr. Endecott's emigration, he was just forty years' 
of age, possessed of a firm and robust constitution, well calculated to 
contend with the hardships and privations, which met the first pioneers 
of this western wilderness at every step. His health was, however, 
gradually undermined, no doubt by the influence of the climate, as we 
learn by his frequent intimations of bodily infirmity, in his letters to Gov. 
Winthrop and others. From his first landing on these shores, until the 
time of his death, his history is full of incident. In this new field of 
duty, he was destined to perform not only a conspicuous, but a very 
responsible part in the drama of life. " His various talents, attainments 
and virtues were to be severely tested." From henceforth almost every 
action was (o stand out in bold relief upon the pages of history, to be 
conned over by future generations, while unfortunately for his fame, the 
motives which influenced and controlled many of the most important, 
were never recorded, and are now known only to the great searcher of 
all hearts. 

His first letters, written a few days after his arrival at Naumkcag, 



See title page. 



20 MEMOIR. 

speak in very encouraging terms of the new country, which was to be 
liis future home, and for which he had forsaken the fair and fertile 
fields of Old England, and torn asunder all the ties which bound him to 
his native land. These tidings were like balm to the wounded 
spirits of those in England, who were watching with intense anxiety, the 
success of this experiment to effect a settlement in the New World. 
We can never cease to regret that these letters have not been preserved. 
They would have been valuable documentary evidence of how much 
the Massachusetts Colony owed him for its success in these incipient 
stages of its existence. Had he drawn an unfavorable picture, the 
settlement would no doubt have been greatly retarded, if not altogether 
abandoned for the time. But "the good report he sent back of the 
country, gave such encouragement to the work, that more adventurers 
Joined with the first undertakers. — Uniting his own men with those 
who were formerly planted in the Colony into one body, they made 
up in all not much above fifty or sixty persons.'" On Mr. Endecott's 
arrival, he made known to the planters who preceded him, that he and 
his associate patentees, had purchased all the property and privileges of 
the Dorchester partners, both here and at Cape Ann. He shortly after 
removed from the latter place, for his own private residence, the frame 
house, which a few years before had been erected there by the 
Dorchester Company. It was a tasteful edifice of two stories high, and 
of the prevailing order of architecture of that period, called the 
Elizabethean, which was but of slight remove from the Gothic. Some 
of its hard oak frame may still be found in the building at the corner 
of Washington and Church streets, commonly known at this day as the 
" Endicott House,"- but so changed in its external appearance that not 



'Planters' riea, 1630. in the cellar of lliis house, were founil marked 

'Within a few years, some of tlic timbers I. E. with small nails. 



MEMOIR. 21 

a vestige of the original style of architecture remains. It occupied, no 
doubt, the same site as at present ; the meeting house being afterwards 
built directly opposite, and the dwelling of Hugh Peter in the same vicinity. 

The alteration which now took place in the affairs of the infant 
colony, did not meet with favor from the first planters, and for a while 
prevented perfect harmony from prevailing in the settlement. " One of 
the subjects of discord was the propriety of raising tobacco. Mr. 
Endecott and his council believing such a production, except for medicinal 
purposes, injurious both to health and morals." Besides this, they 
probably viewed with no favorable eye, the agreement in sentiment 
between Mr. Endecott and the Plymouth Church as to the propriety of 
abolishing the ritual forms of worship of the Church of England ; for 
an adherence to which they had already been obliged to leave the 
Plymouth settlement. Mr. Endecott represented these difficulties to the 
home government, and in answer to his communication they say, " That 
it may appear as well to all the worlde, as to the old planters 
themselves, that we seke not to make them slaves, as it seems by 
your letter some of them think themselves to be become by means of 
our patent, they are allowed to be partakers with us in all the privileges 
u e have with so much labor and intercession obtained from the King ; 
to be incorporated into the society, and enjoy not only those lands 
which formerly they have manured, but such a further proportion as the 
civil authorities think best." They were also allowed the exclusive 
privilege of raising their favorite weed — tobacco. 

The Company's Court in London, actuated by that true sense of 
justice which ever marked its deliberations, were determined not to 
trespass on any of the rights of the aborigines ; and to this purpose 

6 



22 MEMOIR. 

in their two fust communications to Mr. Eiidecott, tiiey desired him 
to take especial care, " that no wrong or injury be offered by any of 
our people to the natives there," and to satisfy every just claim which 
might be made by them to the territory of Naumkeag and the plantation 
generally. To this record the sons of the Pilgrims have ever turned 
with peculiar pride and exultation. Felt says, " from his well known 
promptitude and high sense of equity, there can be no doubt that he 
fulfilled every iota of such instructions." Mr. Endecott, in his first 
letters to the home government, suggested various things to advance the 
interests of the Colony ; such as the manufacture of salt, cultivation of 
vineyards, sending over fruit stones and kernels, grain for seed, wheat, 
barley and rye ; also certain domesticated animals ; all of which were 
shortly after transported to this country. 

The answer to this letter is dated the 19th of April, 1629, wherein 
they inform him, that the Company ' are much enlarged since his 
departure out of England,' and for the further strengthening of their 
grant from the Council at Plymouth, they had obtained a confirmation 
of it from his Majesty by his letters patents, under the broad seal of 
England ; incorporating them into a body politic, with ample powers to 
govern and rule all his Majesty's subjects that reside within the limits 
of their plantation ; and that, in prosecution of the good opinion they 
have always entertained of him, they have confirmed him Governor of the 
Colony. No adventitious circumstances of fortune or birth aided him in 
his appointment to this, even then responsible office ; for although the 
Colony at this time was few in numbers and feeble in effort, yet in 
its success were involved the most momentous interests, and every thing 
depended upon the right impulse and direction being given to its affairs. 
In the words of the Record, " having taken into due consideration, the 



MEMOIR. 23 

mcrilt, worth, and good desert of Captain John Endccott, and others 
lately gone over from hence, with purpose to resyde and continue there, 
wee have with full consent and authoritie of this Court, and by ereccon 
of hands, chosen and ehnted the said Captain John Endecott to the 
place of present Governour of said Plantation." They further speak of 
the confidence they repose in him, in thus committing the affairs of the 
Colony into his hands. Gov. Cradock also compliments him upon his 
motives and conduct ; and the Company inform him, that they are 
disappointed of the provisions ordered to be sent for himself and Mrs. 
Endecott, but (God willing,) they purpose to send them by the next 
vessel.'- It is also believed that at this time Mr. Endecott ordered the 
fruit trees which afterwards constituted his orchard upon the farm granted 
liiin in 1632, of which one venerable patriarch, the celebrated old pear 
tree, yet remains, having withstood the " peltings of pitiless storms," of 
upwards of two hundred winters, and still dropping down its rich fruit 
into the bosoms of his distant descendants.'* 

In a second letter dated the 28th of May following, the Company 
remark : " Wee have silhence our last, and according as we there 
advised, at a JuU and ample Court assembled, elected and established 
you, Captain John Endecott, to the place of present Governour of our 



• Hazard's Coll. We find in May, 1G29, 
a commiltce was appointed to " consider what 
provisions are now fit to be sent over to Capt. 
John Endecott and liis family, and provide 
the same accordinsly." — Comp. Rec. in Eng. 

- This tree bears the marks of great 
antiquity. Its beauty and comeliness have long 
since departed; its trunk for upwards of fifty 
years, has been hollow and rising out of the 



earth in three distinct parts; its limbs low, 
sliort and dir-proportioned. As a whole it 
presents a very dwarfish, and to all but the 
lovers of antiquity, a very uninteresting 
appearance. Eight generations of Governor 
Endicott's descendants have eaten of its fruit, 
and been cooled beneath its branches. According 
to family tradition, his dial, which bears the 
dale of 1630, and these trees, were imported 
at the same time. 



21 MEMOIR. 

Plantation there, as also some others to be of the Council with you, as 
more particularly you will perceive by an Act of Court herewith sent, 
confirmed by us at a General Court, and sealed with our common seal."' 

The model of the Government established by this " Act of Court," 
consisted of a Governor, and twelve persons as a Council, styled " The 
Governor and Council of London's Plantation in the Mattachusetts 
Bay in New England. They were to elect a Deputy Governor, for 
the time being, from among their number; were also authorized to 
choose a Secretary and other needful officers. They were empowered 
to fill vacancies in their body occasioned by death or otherwise. The 
Governor, or in his absence the Deputy, might call Courts at pleasure, 
and they had power to establish any laws, not at variance with those 
of England ; ' to administer justice upon malefactors, and inflict condign 
punishment upon all offenders.' To make any act valid the Governor, 
or his Deputy, was always to vote with the majority. A form of Oath 
was sent over at this time to be administered to Mr. Endicott as 
Governor, and one also for the other officers of the government. He 
look the oath, and was inducted into office. Here then, we conceive, 
is direct and incontrovertible testimony that Endecott was appointed the 
Jirst Governor of Massachusetts under its Colonial Charter from the 
King. It is so stated by Joselyn, Hutchinson, and Prince. He 
received a copy of that Charter, and the documentary evidence of his 
constitutional authority as Governor, both at the same time. It was 
reserved for writers of the present age to endeavor to deprive him of 
this distinction. The motives which stimulate these attempts to pervert 
the most obvious facts, are not easily discerned. The actors in those 
scenes have long since passed away, and with them all their temporal 
honors. Posterity at this distance of time can therefore afford without 



MEMOIR. 2S 

prejudice, or any personal preferences or favoritism, to be consistent,' 
ingenuous and impartial. To Mr. Eudecott was given at this time, all 
the powers which his immediate successors ever exercised. They were 
conferred upon him, too, by the same body who mhseqiienily elected 
Mr. Winthrop to that office. The abolishment of the board of control 
in England, and the transfer of "the government of the plantation to 
those that shall inhabit there,"^ and instead of choosing the Colonial 
Governors in Old England, by members of the Company there, to 
choose them by members of the same Company, who were in New 
England, could not weaken the validity of his claim to bo considered 
the first Governor of the Massachusetts Colony. To institute a special 
course of argument to deprive him of this distinction, while it is 
conceded to all other Governors under similar circumstances, would, 
says Felt, " be contrary to the dictates of correct philology and sound 
reason.'" 

It was well for Mr. Endecott, that he possessed an ardent and 
sanguine temperament, which nothing could daunt, otherwise the 
innumerable discouraging circumstances which met him in this, his new abode 
in every form, amid sickness, death and privations of every kind, well 
suited to appal the stoutest hearts, would no doubt have wrought their 



'Mr. Young in his Chronicles of Mass. «The vole was simply a decision of ihe 

Note 1, p. 105, speaks of John Winthrop as question where the future meetings of the 

the first Governor of the Massachusetts Colony ; Company should be held.-Bancro//, vol. 1. p. 382. 
yet in Note 2, p. 291, speaking of Joha 

Endecott, he says: " He was of course jKperscrfeci J We do not wish to appear in the attitude 

in the office of Governor of the Colony, by the of controversy while we assert our right and 

arrival of Winthrop." See the subject very duty to establish an historic fact, and vindicate 

ably and fully discussed and the claim of Mr. \\\q claim of Mr. Endecott. 
Endecott defended by Mr. Felt, in the Mass. 
Register for 1846, pp. 37, 38. 



26 MEMOIR. 

effects upon him, to the prejudice of the whole plantation. But such 
was the energy and firmness of his character, aided, no doubt, by a 
religious enthusiasm, which induced the belief, that it was the purpose 
of God ' to give them the land of the heathen as an inheritance,' that 
neither his faithuor confidence in the ultimate success of the undertaking, 
ever for a moment forsook him. In every crisis, this little band looked 
to him, as the weather beaten and tempest tossed mariner looks to his 
commander, next to God, for encouragement and support ; — and they did 
not look in vain. Such w^as the great mortality among them, during 
the first winter after their arrival, arising from exposure to the rigors of 
an untried climate — badly fed and badly lodged — that there were 
scarcely found in the settlement, well persons enough to nurse and 
console the sick. To enhance their distress, they were destitute of any 
regular medical assistance. In this painful dilemma a messenger was 
despatched by Mr. Endecott to Gov. Bradford, of the Plymouth settlement, 
to procure the necessary aid ; and Doctor Samuel Fuller, a prominent 
member and deacon of the Plymouth Church, was sent among them. 
During Doct. Fuller's visit, JNlr. Endecott was called by Divine Providence 
to suffer one of the heaviest of earthly afllictions, in the death of his 
wife, the partner of all his sorrows ; w ho liad forsaken home, kindred, 
and the sympathy of friends, that she migiit share with him the cares 
and privations incident to a new settlement. Surrounded by savages, 
and from the circumstances of the case, placed almost beyond the pale 
of civilized society, her sympathy, council and advice must necessarily 
have been very dear to him. She must have entwined herself about 
his affections as the tender ivy winds itself around the lordly oak. Her 
slender and delicate frame was not proof against the rigors of a New 
England climate. Born and nurtured in the midst of luxury and ease, 
she could not withstand the privations and hardships of her new home, 



MEMOIR. 27 

and she fell a victim to her self-sacrificing disposition.' Painful, indeed, 
must have been the parting, and severe the trial to Mr. Endecott. 
Under the influence of the feelings which this affliction produced, ho 
wrote the following letter to Gov. Bradford. 

" Right Worshipfulle Sir : 

" It is a thing not usual that servants of one Master, and of 
the same household, should be strangers. I assure you I desire it not ; 
Nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God's people are 
all marked with one and the same mark, and have for the main one 
and the same heart, guided by one and the same spirit of truth ; 
and where this is there can be no discord, nay, here must needs be a 
sweet harmony : and the same request with you, I make unto the 
Lord, tli^t we as Christian brethren be united by an heavenly, and 
unfeigned love, binding all our hearts and forces in furthering a 
work beyond our strength with reverence and fear, fastening our eyes 
always on Him that is only able to direct and prosper all our ways. 
I acknowledge myself much bound to you, for your kind love and care 
in sending Mr. Fuller amongst us, and rejoice much that I am by 
him satisfied, touching your judgment of the outward form of God's 
worship: It is as far as I can gather no other than is warranted by 
the evidence of truth, and the same which I have professed and 
maintained ever since the Lord in mercy revealed himself unto mee, 
being far from the common report that hath been spread of you in that 



' She was probably in poor health from that my good cousin, your wife, was perfectly 

lier first arrival, and Endecott must have recovered of lier health would be acceptable 

alluded to it in his first letters. Gov. Cradock news to us all; which God grant in his good 

in his letter of Feb. 1G29, in answer to one time that we may." 
from Gov. Endecott, remarks, — " and to liear 



28 MEMOIR. 

particular ; but God's people must not look for less here belou', and it 
is a great inercy of God that he strengtheneth them to go through it. 
I shall not need at this time to enlarge unto you, for ( God willing ) 
I purpose to see your face shortly ; in the mean tyme, I humbly take 
my leave of you, committing you to the Lord's blessing and protection, 
and rest Your assured loving friend, 

" Naumkeag, May 11, 1629. Jo: Endecott. " 

The foregoing epistle is alike honorable to his head and his heart. 
Humble, devout, and chastened feelings, pervade it throughout. It 
speaks a mind sensibly alive to religious impressions. The sentiments 
here expressed, cannot fail to find a response in the hearts of all 
reflecting men, in this and succeeding generations. The magnitude of 
the undertaking in which they were engaged, the necessity of union in 
their efforts, and the impossibility of success without direct Divine 
assistance, are here .represented in language elegant and devout ; blending 
the accomplishments of the scholar with the attributes of the christian. Gov. 
Bradford notices the writer of this letter in the following manner : 
" At Naumkeag, since called by them Salem, there was come in the 
latter end of the Summer before, a very worthy gentleman, Mr. John 
Endecott by name, and some others with him, to make some 
preparation for the rest ; to whom ( by some that came hither from 
thence, ) I had occasion to write unto him, though unknown by face, 
or in any other way, but as I heard of his worth; from whom I 
received the letter following." 



"a" 



Whether Mr. Endecott carried into execution his design intimated 
in this letter, of making Gov. Bradford a visit " shortly," is uncertain. 
On the 27th of May, 1629, in a communication to the authorities at 



MEMOIR. 29 

home, lie complained that some persons in his jurisdiction disregarded 
the law of 1G22, for the regulation of trade with the Indians, and 
" desiring the Company would take the same into their serious 
consideration, and to use some speedy means here for reformation 
thereof.'" A petition was in consequence presented to the King, who 
in compiiance therewith issued a new proclamation, forbidding such 
disorderly trading. These steps were no doubt taken in reference to 
the associates of one Thomas Morton, whose residence at Mount 
Wollaston, or Merry Mount, now Quincy, he visited shortly after his 
arrival in this country. This man, and his associates, had alarmed all 
the well disposed settlers from Piscataqua to Plymouth, by selling arms 
and ammunition to the Indians, indulging themselves in dissipation, and 
otherwise imperiling the peace and welfare of New England. The 
object of Mr. Endecott's visit was to rectify abuses among his remaining 
confederates, Morton himself having been already apprehended and sent 
home to England for trial. He went there, we are told, in the 
"purifying spirit of authority," and caused their May - pole to be cut 
down, to which they had been in the habit of affixing pieces of satirical 
composition against those who opposed their wishes and practices, and 
" rebuked the inhabitants for their profaneness, and admonished them to 
look to it that they walked better." He also changed the name of 
the place and called it Mount Dagon. The precise period of this visit 
is not known, and it is not improbable that Mr. Endecott extended his 
journey at the time, to the Plymouth Colony. However this may be, 
a warm friendship soon grew up between Gov. Bradford and himself, 
which continued without interruption for the remainder of their lives. 



■Company Records ia England. 



CHAPTER III. 

Arrival of Mr. Higginson and Mr. Skelion — Description of the Seltleraent at tlie lime — 
Church Established — Troubles with the Brownes — Sends them to England — Proposals in 
England to transfer the Government to this Country — Agreed upon — Juha Winthrop 
chosen Governor — Sickness and Distress in the Colony — Gov. Winthrop arrives — Situation 
of the Colony at this time. 

As yet no steps had been taken in the Colony towards the 
establishment of a reformed Church for propagating the Gospel, which 
they professed above all to be their aim in settling this Plantation. On 
the 30th of June, 1629, the Rev. Francis Higginson' arrived at 
Naumkcag, and the Rev. Mr. Skelton, the early friend and spiritual father 
of Mr. Endecott, arrived about the same time. They had been sent 
over by the home government. Mr. Higginson thus speaks of his reception 
by Mr. Endecott : " The next moring ( 30th, ) the Governor came aboard 
to our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited mee and my wiffe 
to come on shore and take our lodgings at his house ; which we did 
accordingly." The settlement, we are told, then consisted of " about 
half a score of houses, with a fair house newly built for the Governour. 
We found also abundance of corne planted by them, very good and 
well liking. — Our Governour hath a store of green pease growing in his 
garden, as good as ever I eat in England. * * * Our Governour 
hath already planted a vineyard, with great hopes of increase. Also, 
mulberries, plums, raspberries, currants, chesnuts, filberts, walnuts, small 

' In the Conpany's Records, this name is spelt " Higgeson."' 



MEMOIR. 



31 



nuts, hurtle berries, and haws of white thorn, near as good as our 
cherries in England — thej grow in plenty here." 

Shortly after the arrival of Mr. Hi^ginson and Mr. Skelton, the 
' necessary measures were taken preparatory to the settlement of a 
religious congregation, in accordance with the views of the Puritans. In 
this they were aided by Mr. Endecott, and the most intelligent of the 
colonists. Having first concluded a satisfactory form of church government 
and discipline, which was submitted to Mr. Endecott for approval, the 
6th day of August, 1629, just eleven months after his arrival, was the 
time selected for this " little band of devout Pilgrims, to enter into solemn 
covenant with God, and one another, and also for the ordaining of their 
ministers.'" By Mr. Endecott's order, a solemn day of " humiliation" 
had been held on the 20th of July preceding, for the choice of a Pastor 
and Teacher. An important step was about to be taken — a new 
priesthood was about to be established — all allegiance to, or alliance 
with any other Church on earth was about to be dissolved ! It was a 
subject of momentous concern with the Colonists, and called into exercise 
all their moral heroism and spiritual courage. Mr. Bradford, the Governor 
of Plymouth, came here by sea, and arrived just in season to give the right 
hand of fellowship. Of all that little band gathered together on this 
occasion, none felt a deeper interest, or took a more responsible part, 
than the subject of this memoir.* 



' These rigid Calvinisls, of vvliose rude ' Tlie Rev. Mr. Upliam in his Dedication 

intolerance the world has been filled with Sermon, in 182G, thus speaks of him : "John 

malignant calumnies, estal)lisiied a covenant Endecott, ( a man, who to the qualities which 

cherishing, it is true, the severest virtues, but have rendered him illustrious, as an efl'ectual 

without one tinge of fanaticism. The people leader of colonization, as a gallant soldier, as 

were enthusiasts, but not bigots. a skilful statesman, added a knowledge of 

Bancroft, v. i. p. 377. the Scriptures, and a devout piety, which will 



32 MEMOIR. 

While every thing, to all appearance, was thus smiling auspiciously 
upon their spiritual concerns, the clouds of discord began to gather about 
them. Two brothers, John and Samuel Browne, who were displeased 
that the use of the book of common prayer should be abolished in the 
newly established Church, kept themselves aloof from any participation in 
the performances of the new service. Nor were they satisfied with 
this. They gathered together another company in a distinct place, and 
read to them the formularies of the Episcopal Church. It is no wonder 
that these proceedings were viewed by the Colonists with distrust and 
alarm. They were looked upon no doubt as indications of another reign 
of prelacy, in their new abode, which had already driven them from their 
native country. Mr. Endecott, however, took no public notice of these 
doings until compelled by the disturbance which began to grow among 
the colonists by these means, when he summoned the two brothers before 
him. It was, however, to no purpose — they manifested mutinous and 
seditious dispositions, and Mr. Endecott, acting under the advice of the 
Council, and the authority of the home government, sent them back to 
England. This act, thus early, raised a cry against him, and unjustly 
stamped his character with bigotry and intolerance, in the minds of many 
unwilling to discern the important interests which were then believed 
to be involved in it. But we think much can be said in extenuation 



ever hallow his memory, ) early ia the year or attempt exhibited to force his judgment 

1629, before the formation of this Church, upon others." The letter here referred to, is 

wrote to Gov. Bradford respecting a conference the one already cited, of May 11, 1629. " The 

he had held with a gentleman sent to him standard," says Blr. Upham, "by which Mr. 

from Plymouth, (Doct. Fuller) on the subject Endecott made up his judgment in this matter, 

of Church institution and government. In this was certainly no otlier than the standard of 

letter we find no acknowledgment of any Protestantism — the Scriptures as they were 

other authority in such a matter than his opened to his understanding." 
own private judgment, and no desire expressed 



MEMOIR. 



ds 



of Ills conduct on this occasion.' Although the Brownes, on their return 
to England, made great exertions to injure him and the Council in the 
estimation of the home government, jet their motives were rightly 
appreciated and no inconvenience followed. 

We now approach an important event in the history and welfare of 
the Colony — the removal of its Charter to New England. Governor 
Cradock, with whom the idea appears to have originated, acquainted the 
Proprietors, at a meeting of the Court, on the twenty - eighth day of 
July, 1629, that for the purpose of advancing the interests of the 
Plantation, and inducing and encouraging persons of worth and quality 
to transport themselves and families thither, as well as for other weighty 
reasons, it was proposed to transfer the entire government to this 
country, and continue it no longer in subjection to the Company in 
England. Even in this, it was the fortune of Mr. Endecott to be at 
least indirectly instrumental.^ Soon after this communication, an 
agreement to that effect was drawn up at Cambridge, and among 
those who signed it, was their future Governor, John Winthrop. It 
was one of its stipulations that they should settle their affairs, so as to 
be ready for a voyage hither by the first of March. This appears to 



'The annalist of Salem says: — "This 
magistrate has had a greater share of blame 
for excluding the Messrs. Browne from the 
Plantation, than actually belonged to him. 
Others were as active as himself to insure 
their departure. For what he did in that 
affair, he had ample authority. But whether 
it was expedient to exercise his power as he 
did, is a question which religious toleration, 
as generally understood in his day, would 
answer in the affirmative — but as understood 
in ours, would answer in the negative." Ban* 



croft, vol. i. 350, remarks that " faction deprived 
of its leaders, died away," and adds, the 
" the liberal Ebeling, i. 809, defends the measure." 
See also Graham's History of the U. States, 
vol. i., p. 218. 

= "By this time the often agitation of this 
affair in several parts of the Kingdom, the 
good report of Captain Endecott'a government, 
and the increase of the Colony, began to 
awaken the spirits of some persons of competent 
estates not formerly engaged." — Planters' Plea. 



34 MEJIOIR. 

have been the first connexion Mr. Winthrop had with the settlement of 
this soil. On the 29th of August following, at a meeting of the Court 
of Proprietors in London, this change in the government was decided 
upon.' On the 16th of October, at another meeting of the Court, it 
was conceived " fitt that Captain Endecott continue the government 
there, unless just cause to the contrarie." But on the 20th of the 
same month. Gov. Cradock. informed the Proprietors, that in accordance 
with the alteration of the government now about to take place, it was 
necessary to elect a new Governor, Deputy, and Assistants ; when " John 
Wtnthrop" was put in nomination, and unanimously chosen Governor. 
" In like manner, and with like free and full consent, John Humfry 
was chosen Deputy Governor," and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Matthew 
Cradock, John Endecott, with fifteen others, were chosen a board of 
" Assistants." 

Notwithstanding these encouraging movements at home, the situation 
of Mr. Endecott and his little party in this country, was cheerless and 
depressing. As the winter approached; disease and mortality continued 
their dreadful work ! nearly one half of their number died I On the 
following April and May of 1630, the Colonists were kept in a state 
of continual apprehension of an attack from the Naragansct Indians. 
Deplorable indeed must have been their condition, and all powerful 
the incentives which prompted them to persevere against so many 
discouragements. Reduced in numbers and weakened by sickness, they 
could have made no effectual resistance against their savage foe. But a 
kind Providence, in whom they ever trusted, sustained them through all 



' A Government of Trade and jMcrchandize appears lo have been still kept up in England. 
See Company Records, 16ih Oct., 1629. 



MEMOIR. 35 

the difficulties of this bold undertaking. They were indeed "persecuted, 
but not forsaken ; cast down, but not destroyed." We are told that 
the shooting oft' of their great guns at Salem, so terrified the Indians, 
that they all dispersed and ran away.' 

On the 12th of June, 1630, the ship Arbella, Captain Milburne, 
having on board Governor Winthrop and company, and bearing the 
original Charter of the Colony, arrived off" the port of Naumkeag, having 
sailed from Cowes on the 29th of March, and from Yarmouth on the 
8th of April. Mr. Endecott, who had already been apprized that he 
was shortly to be superseded in the government of the Plantation, 
repaired on board to welcome the new Governor, and offer him and 
his friends the hospitalities of his house. Among the distinguished 
personages were Isaac Johnson and his wife, the Lady Arbella, daughter 
of the Earl of Lincoln. Speaking of Mr. Endecott's visit, Governor 
Winthrop says : " Wee that were of the Assistants and some other 
gentlemen and some of the women returned with him to Nahumkeck, 
where we supped on good venison pasty and good beer." At the 
time of the arrival of the new Governor, wholesome and "salutary laws 
for the government of the Colony had been instituted by Endecott, 
under the authority given him by the home government, and the 
settlement had already assumed the condition, and formed the nucleus 
of a well organized and regulated body politic. A Church with faithful 
ministers, which they professed to value above all temporal interests and 
earthly grandeur, had also been established; and the wheels of 
government were moving on harmoniously, upon a safe and sure 
foundation. Under this state of things, Endecott now surrendered the 



' Charlestown Records. 



30 MEMOIR. 

civil power into the hands of Gov. Winthrop, and took upon himself 
the more humble appointment of one of the Assistants. Yet, sa^s the 
Annalist of Salem, " the principles of Winthrop's administration were 
like those which had directed the course of his predecessor. The 
commencement of legislation, which was to have an important part in 
promoting social freedom, that has spread and is spreading in the 
world, began at Naumkeag under Endecott, and was continued by his 
worthy successor." 



CHAPTER IV. 

\e\v Selllers displeased wiili Salem — Jealousies towards the Plymouth Settlement — Endecott's 
second Marriage — Newton the Capital — Higgiiison's death — Roger Williams — Letter to 
Governor Winthrop — Subjects of the Letter considered — • Winthrop visits Salem — Sachem 
Wahquamaehet visits the Colony. 

Soon after the arrival of Governor Winthrop, the new settlers began 
to be dissatisfied with Salem, as the Capital of the Colony ; it not 
combining, in their opinions, sufiicient advantages of location, soil, and 
natural means of defence. A party was therefore sent to explore the 
country westward, to discover if possible, some more suitable situation. 
It had ever been a darling object with Endecott to make Salem the 
seat of government ; he however bowed in submission and continued 
Iiis efforts to advance the common weal. 

An attempt was made at this time, by some evil disposed persons, 
to prejudice the mind of Governor Winthrop against the Colony at 
Plymouth. The cause of this attempt thus to sow discord between the 
Colonies, was probably a suspicion that the Plymouth Church was too 
strongly tinctured in its policy with Brownism. The Brownists, as 
they were called, were a sect which sprung up in England during the 
sixteenth century, and were so named from their founder, one Robert 
Browne, a young clergyman of distinguished family and descent. This 
sect denied the Church of England, as then constituted, to be a true 
Church, and of the lawfulness of joining in any part of her service or 
worship. Its founder, after disseminating his doctrines somewhat 

10 



38 MEMOIR. 

extensively, became an apostate from his own opinions, and returned again 
within the folds of the Episcopal Church. Mr. Endecott interested 
himself to prevent any evil consequences arising from these ill advised 
proceedings, by endeavors to counteract whatever unfavorable influence 
they might be likely to exert over the mind of Gov. Winthrop. For 
his eflbrts and success in this affair, Doctor Fuller, of the Plymouth 
Church, is loud in his commendations. He calls him " my dear friend, 
and a friend to us all : — is a second Burrow ; — the Lord establish 
him, and us all, in every good way of truth." 

On the 18th of August, 1630, Mr. Endecott entered into a new 
matrimonial alliance with Elizabeth Gibson, of Cambridge, England. 
This lady probably came over in the ship with Governor Winthrop, and 
the marriage ceremony was performed by him and the Rev. Mr. Wilson, 
afterwards Pastor of the First Church in Boston. This connexion 
appears to have been a happy one, although there was a much greater 
disparity in their ages than prudence and judgment would seem to 
warrant ; the difference being about twenty - six years.' 

Such was his ardent and growing attachment to the place of his 
adoption, that when it was decided, in December, 1630, to fortify 
Newton, now Cambridge, for the seat of government, and to build 
houses and move their military stores to that place the next Spring, he 
could not be prevailed upon to quit his accustomed residence. All the 



'Their relative ages are ascertained by and sailli," etc. "Taken upon Oalh by roc, 

Mrs. Endecotl's deposition in the action of Edw. Hutchcnson. 

Endecott vs. Nurse, taken the 15th of April, "Vera copia, attest, Hilliard Veren." 

1674, as follows: "The deposition of Elizabeth Had Gov. Endecott lived, he would have been 

Endecott, aged about sixty yeares, TestiGeth at this time eighty -six years old. 



MEMOIR. 39 

members, except himself and Mr. Sharp, who was about returniii'; to 
England, agreed to do so ; but Mr. Endecott excused himself upon the 
ground that he had so formed his connexions in Salem, that it would 
be attended with great inconvenience. 

The Rev. Mr. Higginson died on the 6th day of August, 1630, 
having completed just one year from the day of his ordination ; and on the 
12th of April following, Roger Williams, the founder of the State of 
Rhode Island, was setdcd in Salem, as Teaching Elder, in connexion 
with Mr. Skelton. A letter of reproof was in consequence written by 
the Court in Boston to Mr. EndecoU ; — Mr. Williams had made himself 
obnoxious to the Church in Boston, by refusing to join with them, 
" because they would not make a public declaration of repentance for 
having communed with the Church of England while they lived there." 
They expressed themselves surprised that the Church in Salem should 
choose him, without advising with the Council. This remonstrance 
prevented his ordination, and he soon after removed to Plymouth. In 
all the persecutions which followed this man, he was never forsaken by 
Mr. Endecott or the Salem Church ; on the contrary, he was warmly 
supported by them in most, if not all his difficulties. 

The following letter from Mr. Endecott to Governor Winthrop, will 
give an idea of the condition of the Plantation at this time — the 
difficulty of intercourse between the different parts of it, and withal, 
which is our principal object, some idea of the writer himself 

" Right Worshipfulle, 

" I did expect to have been with you in person at the Court, 
and to that end I put to sea yesterday, and was driven back again. 



40 MEMOIR. 

the wind being stiffe against us. And there being no canoe or boate 
at Sagiist, I must have been constrained to goc to Mistick, and thence 
about to Charles - town, which at this time, I durst not be so bold, my 
bodie being at this present in an ill condition to wade, or take cold, 
and, therefore I desire you to pardon mee. Though otherwise, I could 
not desire it by reason of many occasions and businesses. There are at 
Mr. Hewson's plantation five or six kine verie ill, and in great danger, 
I fear they will hardly escape it, whereof twoe are mine and all I 
have ; which are worse than any of the rest. I left mine there this 
winter to do Mr. Skelton a pleasure to keep his for him here in 
Salem, that he might have the benefit of their milk. And I understand 
by WincoU that they have been ill tended, and he saith almost starved. 
Besides they have fed on acorns, and they cannot digest them, for they 
vomitt exceedingly and are so bound in their bodies, that he is fain to 
rake them, and use his skill to maintain life in them. I have willed 
him to bee there till he can bring them to some health again if possible. 
And I have given him malt, to make mashes of licoris, and annisseedes, 
and long pepper, and such other things as I had, to drench them. I 
could wish when Manning hath recovered his strength, that you would 
free him, for he will never do you or IMr. Hewson service, for when he 
is well, he was as negligent as the worst of them. 

" Mr. Skellon, myselfc and the rest of the Congregation desire to be 
thankful to God and yourselfe, for your benevolence to Mr. Haughton's' 
child. The Lord restore it you. I have prevailed with much adoe, with 
Sir Richard for an old debt here, which he thought was desi)crate, to 
contribute it, which I hope I shall make good for the child. I think 



'Mr. Haughlon had been ruling Elder in Salem, and died in 1029, from the cflecls of ihe 
climate. 



MEMOIR. 41 

Mr. Skclton has written to you wlionie he thinks stands most in neede 
of contribution of such provisions as 30U will be pleased to give amongst 
us, of that which was sent over.' The eel - pots you sent for are 
made, which I had in nij boate, hoping to have brought them with mee. 
I caused him to make hut two for the present : if you like them, and 
his prices ( for he W'orkcth for himselfe, ) you shall have as many as you 
desire. He selleth them for four shillings apiece. Sir, I desired the 
rather to have beene at Court, because I heare I am much complained 
of by Goodman Dexter for strikeing him. I acknowledge I was too 
rash in strikeing him, understanding since, it is not lawfull for a justice 
of peace to strike. But if you had scene the manner of his carriadge, 
with such daring of mee, with his amies akimbo, &c. It would have 
provoked a very patient man. But I will write noe more of it, but 
leave it, till we speak before you face to face. Onely thus farre further, 
that he hath given out that if 1 had a purse he would make mee 
empty it, and if hee cannot have justice here, hee will do wonders in 
England, and if hee cannot prevail there, hee will try it out with mee 
here at blowes. Sir, I desire that you will take all into consideration. 
If it were lawful to try it out at blowes, and hee a fit man for mee 
to deal with, then you should not hear mee complain — but I hope the 
Lord hath brought mee off from that course. 

" I thought good further to write what my judgment is for the dismissing 



' 1631. And when the people's wants were was, and distribution was made to every town, 

great, not only in one town, but in divers and to every person in each town, as every 

towns, such was the godly care, wisdom, and man had need. — Roger Clap's Memoir. 
prudence, ( not selfishness, but self-denial,) of You have better food and raiment than 

our Governor Winthrop and his assistants, was in former times ; but have you better 

that when a ship came laden with provisions, hearts than your forefathers had? If so, rejoice 

they did order that the whole cargo should be in that mercy, and let New England then 

bought for a general slock; and so accordingly it shout for joy. — Ibid, 1G7G. 

11 



42 MEMOIR. 

of the Court 'till cornc be sett. It will hinder us that are farre 
oft' exreedingly, and not further you there. Men's labour is precious 
here in come setting time, the plantation being as jet so weak. I will 
be with you the Lord assisting mee, as soon as conveniently I can : In 
the mean while I committ you to His protection and safe guard that 
never fails his children, and rest, 

" Your unfeigned loving friend to command, 
"Salem, I2ih April, 1631. Jo: Endecott." 

The beginning of the foregoing letter has been often quoted in 
ronne.xion with the increased facilities of travelling since the days of 
our fore - fathers. The remarks about " dismissing the Court till corne 
be sett," show the simple state of society at that period, and that 
agriculture was then thought of more importance than legislation. In 
fact it was at that time the chief employment of all classes, and any 
thing that affected in the least the interests of this branch of industr}', 
was of vital importance to the Colony. In those days too, the people 
sought their rulers, where the Prophet Elijah found Elisha, at the 
plough, and invested them with the mantle of authority. We should 
be inclined to smile at the importance here attached to preserving the 
lives of a few " kine," did we not reflect at what great expense and 
trouble they had been imported from England, and in those strictly 
pastoral days of the Colony they were an essential means for the 
sustenance of the community. The " eel - pots" too, in our days, would 
seem beneath the notice of the first men in the Colony. But it was 
the simplicity of their lives, at that early period, which constituted one 
of the principal charms in their characters. The Goodman Dexter, 
here referred to, was a Thomas Dexter, one of the original settlers of 
Lynn. His general character is represented as far from being mild 



MEMOIR. 43 

and his deportment often overbearing.' There are instances on record 
of his having " tried it out at blows," in an unmerciful manner, with 
some of the settlers of Ljnn. He was, however, a very active and 
enterprizing man, and did much to advance that settlement. He bought 
Nahant of an Indian, known by the name of Black William, for a suit 
of clothes, which occasioned the town an expensive and troublesome law 
suit in 1657. Of the merits of the controversy between him and Mr. 
Endecott we know nothing ; but judging from Mr. Endecott's account, 
the provocation given him was of the most irritating character. We 
hold there are bounds beyond which forbearance ceases to be a virtue; 
but we claim for Mr. Endecott no immunity from the common failings 
of humanity, and believe his conduct on this occasion to have been 
beneath the dignity of a Magistrate. A magnanimity is however 
manifested in the freedom with which he acknowledged his error. 

In the Autumn of 1631, Governor Winthrop with Captain Underbill 
and others, visited Mr. Endecott at Salem on foot. He gave them a 
polite and friendly reception, and this interview was highly satisfactory to 
all parties. Winthrop says they were " bountifully entertained." It was 
also during this year that Wahquamachet, a Sachem upon the 
Connecticut River, visited the Colony, and obtained the intercession of 
Mr. Endecott to forward a plantation upon that river. He accordingly 
wrote a letter upon the subject to Governor Winthrop, setting forth the 
proposals of the Sachem, who represented that country to be eminently 



'In 1G33 he was 'set in the bilbowes, Court for bestowing "about twenty blows on 

disfranchised and fined £10 for speaking the head and shoulders" of one Sam'l Hutchinson 

reproachful and seditious words against the " to the no small danger and deray of his 

government here establisiied.' — Col. Rec. Some senses as well as sensibilities." — Lewis's Lynn. 
years after he was presented at the Quarterly 



44 MEMOIR. 



fruitful. The invitation was not however accepted, the Colony being as 
yet too weak for the undertaking. The sincerity of the Sachem's 
motives was also doubted ; and Wahquamachet returned home disappointed.' 



'Two years after this, 1633, the first side of the Connecticut River, by persons from 
settlement was made at Windsor on the west the Plymouth Colony. 



CHAPTER V . 

His Farm Granted him — Description — Scenery — Roger Williams returns to Salem — Ladies' Veils 
— Colonists troubled by news from England — Cuts the Cross from the King's Colors — 
Doings thereupon — The Sword preserved — Trouble arising out of the settlement of Mr. 
Williams — Mr. Endecott committed for contempt — Commands an Expedition against the 
Block Island and Pequot Indians — His views about the Cross triumph. 

On the 3d of July, 1632, the Court of Assistants granted Mr. 
Endecott three hundred acres of land, called by the Indians in English, 
" Birchwood," afterwards known as his " Orchard Farm." It was 
situated between two and three miles in a northerly direction from the 
main settlement at Salem, upon a tongue of land bounded on the 
north, south and east by rivers, or more properly inlets of the sea, and 
on the west by the main land. Even at that early period, it was 
one of tlie most desirable situations in that vicinity. Though at some 
distance from the place which was afterwards selected for the seat of 
government, and where the Court House was erected, yet he was in 
the centre of the population ; being by land nearer to the shores than 
he was to the cultivated farms around him. It was many years after 
he established himself at this beautiful place, so near all the streams 
which passed through the adjacent country, before any incorporation 
separated Salem from the Merrimack ; and for twenty years Salem bounded 
on Andovcr. The spot then, was the best he could have chosen. On 
a commanding eminence, which overlooked the country for some distance 
around, and about one eighth of a mile from one of the inlets, he 
built his house, and commenced in earnest the cultivation of his farm. 



46 MEMOIR. 

Although the ploughshare has fiequently passed over it, yet p;irt of the 
cellar of this house is plainly discernible at the present day. It is a 
most romantic situation, and denotes him a man of much discrimination 
and taste in matters of this kind. On this farm he lived in sort of 
feudal style, surrounded by his servants and retainers ; the names of 
some of whom have been handed down to us ; — these were, John 
Putnam, Benj. Scarlett, Edvv. Grover, and VVm. Poole. ^ John Putnam 
testifies in 1705, "that being a retainer in Governor Endecott's family 
about fifty years ago," etc. Benj. Scarlett, in 1692, testifies to having 
lived with him as a "servant" near "thirty years"; — and from the 
testimony of Edward Grover we learn, that in 1633, " he did helpe 
to cut and cleave about seven thousand pallisadoes, and was the first 
that made improvements thereof by breaking up of ground and plantinge 
of Indian corne." In front of his Mansion House, and immediately 
upon the southern slope of a gentle declivity, he planted his far famed 
orchard, which gave the name to his farm. The tradition that the 
Governor always pointed out his dial as denoting the age of this 
orchard, which bears the date of 1630, seems to indicate that the 
trees were removed hither from his town residence. Here, too, if 
tradition be correct, he introduced for medicinal purposes, as well as by 
way of ornament to his garden, the " white weed," or chrysanthemum 
leucantheraum, of the botanist, which has since become so detrimental to 
the hay fields of our farmers in some parts of this State. 

His usual mode of transporting himself and family, to and from this 
place, was at first by water, and he was as often visited by his 



• William Poole, ( servant (o the right to be whipped for running away from his 
worshipfuUe John Endecott, CoUonell) sentenced master.— Q. C. Records, 25lh, 7ih rao., l^a^. 



MEMOIR. 47 

friends in this way, as in any other. The inlet before the Mansion 
House had nothing to interrupt it ; tlie passage was open to the bay, 
and at tliat early period must have been delightfully romantic. The 
shores on either side thickly clothed with wood, whose dark images 
were reflected in the still waters beneath them, were picturesque in the 
extreme. The bold jutting head lands, on some parts of the passage, 
lent a sublimity to the prospect, which was continually varying by the 
winding and circuitous course of the stream.^ There was nothing to 
break the stillness, or disturb the quiet which reigned around, save the 
dashings of their own little boat amid the waters, or the heavy plunge 
of some lordly sea - bird, in his gyratory wanderings in pursuit of prey. 
The smoke from the humble and solitary wigwams of the Indians, 
thinly scattered along the margin of the waters, with an occasional 
glimpse at. their tawny inhabitants, as they stealthily watched the 
passing boat from their leafy hiding places, or listlessly reclined under 
the shadow of some wide spreading oak, heightened the effect and 
diversified the scene. Within the last half century the ruins of some of 
these wigwams might still be seen," and could not fail to call up 
melancholy reflections upon the wretched fate of those noble lords of 
the soil throughout our vast domain. 

It is no easy matter at this distance of time, for the mind accurately 
to picture to itself the appearance of the primeval forests before the 
axe of the Pilgrim, and the improvements of civilization, commenced 



'"KcrnwooJ," the Summer residence of -The writer distinctly recollects, when 

Francis Peabody, Esq., is situated on tlie borders quite a boy, of visiting one of these ruins, ori 
of this river, and for beauty of location is not the borders of this stream, situated in the 
surpassed in this part of the country. midst of a locust grove, in the vicinity of tlie 

Endecott Burying Ground. 



48 31EM01R. 

their inroads. Doubtless they were such as the genius of solitude 
might have selected for her abode. One " boundless contiguity of 
shade" prevailed around. No ornamental plantations or tasteful pleasure 
grounds, by which the country at this day is so beautifully diversified, 
and on which so much expense and care are lavished, greeted the 
visions of the first planters. To their outward senses every thing must 
have appeared fresh from the hands of the Deity, — like the world, in 
the infancy of man's creation, — a majesty and grandeur pervaded the face 
of all things, and bore in a peculiar manner the impress of the Maker. 
But the stern realities of life left the early settlers little leisure to 
admire, if they did not wholly extinguish their lore for the beautiful 
and sublime in nature, merely as such. But to return from this 
digression. From the Governor's Mansion House there was a gentle 
descent to the inlet in which he kept his shallop. Tradition says, 
on the eastern side of the orchard and garden there was a walk from 
the house to the landing place, with plum trees overrun with grape 
vines on each side of it, so thick with foliage in its season, that a 
person might walk in this avenue unobserved. Nccir the landing place 
was a spring of water, overshadowed with willows, clear and pellucid, 
from which the family were supplied with the cool and refreshing beverage. 
This spring still remains, but the vines and trees of the avenue have long 
since disappeared, and left no trace behind. 

Although from Governor Endecott's constant employment in public 
service, he was prevented making this his permanent place of abode, 
particularly during the latter period of his life, when the " administration 
of justice,"' and the " entertainment of strangers," rendered his residence 
there inconvenient, on account of its distance from the Capital, yet his 
occasionally laying aside the robes of slate, and retiring for a season to 



MEMOIR. 49 

this secluded spot, there to cnjoj ia the quiet and peaceful cultivation of 
liis farm, a relaxation from the arduous and trying duties of his situation, 
must have been very grateful to his feelings. " Posterity," says the Rev. 
Dr. Bentley, " has fully approved the choice of Governor Endecott, and 
more circumstances distinguish the grounds on which he planted, than are 
recollected respecting any of the leaders of the Pilgrims." 

In the month of November, 1633, Roger Williams again returned to 
Salem. Soon after his return the Court of Assistants were put in 
possession of a treatise, written by him, questioning the right of the 
King to grant this soil to the settlers without first obtaining the consent 
of the aborigines. It also contained many discourteous remarks relative 
to the King. The Colonists, sensibly alive to every thing which would 
affect their interests unfavorably, were concerned lest this production, 
should a knowledge of it reach England, might redound to their 
disadvantage. Thereupon Governor Winthrop wrote a letter to Mr. 
Endecott, who was at that time absent from the Court, desiring him to 
exert his influence with Mr. Williams to retract the opinions expressed 
in this publication. " Whereunto," having prevailed in his efforts, " he 
returned a modest and discreet answer," and every thing was done that 
was practicable, towards the suppression of this document. 

Subjects of a new and novel nature were now continually arising 
among the Colonists, in which Mr. Endecott always took an active part. 
At a lecture in Boston, in March, 1634, the question was discussed as 
to the propriety of ladies continuing to wear veils at Church. Mr. 
Cotton, the minister, contended that as this practice had heretofore 
been considered as a sign of submission, they might now with propriety 
be laid aside. Mr. Endecott opposed Mr. Cotton, and endeavored to 

13 



50 MEMOIR. 

maintain his ground by the general argument of St. Paul. In this he 
was supported by his minister, Mr. Williams, and through their joint 
influence veils for a while continued to be generally and extensively 
worn. The ladies however, soon after, upon the occasion of Mr. 
Cotton's preaching in Salem, became converts to his opinion and 
discontinued the use of an article of dress " which indicated too great 
a degree of submission to the lords of the creation." 

At this great distance of time, we can hardly conceive of 
sage and dignified counsellors and divines gravely discussing a subject, 
which to the present age appears of such trivial importance. It seems 
to take from the dignity of their characters, and to diminish the respect 
due to their exalted virtues. But in justice to them we siiould not 
look at it in the light of modern vision ; — we ought rather to view it 
as in accordance with the practice of the times in which they lived ; 
when dress of every description was even considered a fit subject for 
legislation ;^ and that the proceedings in this instance were not intended 
by our forefathers in any degree to degrade or impose arbitrary 
restrictions upon " the fairest of God's creation — his last best gift to 



The year 1634 will be ever memorable in the history of the Colony, 



' In September, 1638, the Court of Assistants sleeves, so as to expose the arms.'' It 

requested the aid of clergymen for suppressing required " short sleeves to be lengthened so as 

"costliness of apparel and following new to reach the wrists; — and that no sleeve 

fashions," — and in 1639, an act was passed should be more than one half cU in the widest 

calling for reformation in " immoderate great place as a common measure ; — but to be 

breeches, knotts of ribbon, broad shoulder bands, larger or smaller, according to the size of 

and ryles, silk rases, double ruffs and cuffs." the wearer." These facts " show the very 

It also "allowed no lace nor points on their age and body cf the time, his form and pressure." 
clothing ; no garment to be made with short 



MExMOIR. 51 

as the one in which the representative principle was first recognized in 
tlie government. The population had become too numerous to admit 
the wliole body of freemen to its elections. Each town was therefore 
allowed to send two or three deputies to represent them in the 
General Court. Thus was formed the first House of Representatives 
in Massachusetts, and the second in America, — one having been already 
introduced in the Virginia government. 

On the 2d of August, of this year, Mr. Endecott was called to 
mourn the loss of his early friend, the Rev. Mr. Skeltnn. He had 
become endeared to him as his spiritual guide, in first opening to his 
view the way of truth, while in England, and followed him to this 
country to council and guide him in the paths of duty and happiness. 
His loss must have been felt by Mr. Endecott as a great affliction . 

At this time, a Military Commission, with the most unlimited powers, 
was established by the General Court, and Mr. Endecott was appointed 
one of its members.^ 

On the 18th of September, this same year, the Colony was thrown 
into consternation, and alarmed for its liberties, by the news from 
England that a commission had been granted to two Arch Bishops, and 
ten others of the Council, conferring on them the authority to regulate 
the Plantations of New England ; to establish and maintain the Episcopal 



' Gov. Dudley was placed at Ihe head of this to imrrison or confine any that they shall 

commission, and his associates were, Winihrop, judge to be enemies to the commonwealth; 

Humphrey, EndecoU, Coddington, Pynchon, and such as will not come under command 

Nowell, Bellingham, and Brad^treet. Among or restraint, as they shall be required, it shall 

their various powers, they were authorized be lawful for the said Commissioners to put 

"to make either offensive or defensive war; such persons to death. "— Cutoii^ Kec. p. 139. 



62 xAIEMOIR. 

Church ill this country ; to recall its Charter ; remove its Governors ; 
make its laws ; hear and decide its legal cases, and appoint its 
punishments, even death itself.^ Intelligence was also received at the 
same time, that a new Governor was being secretly conveyed to 
Massachusetts, with orders calculated to prostrate all its civil and 
ecclesiastical rights. Governor Cradock. had already informed them that 
the King's Council had demanded their Charter, Such was the universal 
anxiety this news awakened, that the idea of resistance appears 
immediately to have possessed the minds of the inhabitants," and the 
fortifications were hastened forward, and an assessment laid of an 
additional rate of five hundred pounds for defence. These tidings were 
received with indignant feelings by Mr. Endccott. He saw by this 
step that all their dear bought privileges, purchased at such immense 
sacrifices, which none could better appreciate than himself, were 
about to be violently, as with a ruthless despotism, wrested from them. 
His independent spirit could not quietly brook such high handed 
infringements upon their chartered rights, and he resolved in all the 
affairs of the Colony, in which he had any share or influence, to 
pursue that course which he deemed most for her interests, whether it 
led him over plains or mountains, through flowers or thorns. There 
was a fortitude exhibited in his actions on all occasions, which shew 
him formed for great emergencies. Probably under the influence of the 
feelings produced by this intelligence, and excited by that ardent zeal 
which marked his character through life, he shortly after cut the Red 
Cross from the King's colors, deeming it a relic of Popish idolatry. It 
has generally been conceded that he was instigated to this deed by his 



'Mass. Hist. Coll. I., iv., p. 110. should come, the Colonists ought to resist his 

' The General Court, in January, 1635, authority and maintain their rights. 
uaanimously agreed, that if such Governor 



MEMOIR. 53 

uiiaistcr, Mr. Williams ; but if we understand his character aright, he 
needed not the aid of such prompting in any matters of duty or 
of conscience. This bold and daring act was considered an insult, as 
well to the established Church of England, as to the King himself; 
and the Colony dared not refrain from taking cognizance of it, lest it 
should call down upon their heads the vengeance of the whole British 
hierarchy. A warrant was therefore sent to the Ensign of the Company, 
with the command to bring the mutilated colors Avith him to the next 
Court ; " as also any other that hath defaced the said colors." At a 
meeting of the ministers of Salem, and other towns, in the month of 
January following, the question was discussed whether it was right to 
retain the cross in their military standard. As might have been 
expected, under the circumstances, they were divided in opinion. At a 
meeting of the next Court, Mr. Endecott was summoned to answer for 
his offence. The members after discussing the charge against him, like 
the ministers, also differed in opinion, and the subject was put over to the 
next session. In the mean time, the Military Commissioners, of whom 
Mr. Endecott was one, ordered all ensigns, whether with crosses or 
without, to be laid aside for the present. At the General Court in 
May, the subject was again renewed, and Mr. Endecott was finally 
censured upon several grounds ; but chiefly that by this act, he had 
exposed the Colony to the malevolence of England. He was in 
consequence left out from the Board of Assistants for one year. It 
was a pusillanimous and temporizing policy, justified only by the 
exigencies of the times, which dictated these proceedings against Mr. 
Endecott. It was a sacrifice, as the result proved, of principle to 
expediency. There is ample evidence in the records of the Colony 
that most of the principal men, including his friend Governor Winthrop, 

14 



54 MEMOIR. 

agreed with him on this subject.^ ' The only difference between him 
and others was, he manifested his opinions by his acts, while they, with 
more prudence and safety, retained theirs in secret.' Had it not been 
for fear of the consequences, instead of being censured, his conduct 
would have been openly applauded. His boldness of action was made 
known in England, and looked upon there in the light of rebellion. 
It was the first blow struck in this country in defiance of the royalty of 
England, and would no doubt have cost Mr. Endecott his life, had it 
not been for those troubles, which were even then beginning to gather 
thickly, like a tempest, about the devoted head of the unfortunate 
Charles the First, and eventually bursting upon it, with a fury which 
nothing could resist, involving in its course, not only the temporary ruin 
of his dynasty, but the destruction of his own life. The sword with 
which this deed is said to have been done, has been preserved, and is 
now in the possession of one of the family, to whom it has descended, 
in direct line, by right of primogeniture. It is a plain, unornamented 
rapier, emblematical of the puritan simplicity of our forefathers. 

But the apprehensions of the Colonists, as expressed in this censure 
of Mr. Endecott, were not altogether groundless. The malignant eye 
of the Mother Country, jealous of their growing liberties, was steadfastly 
fixed upon them. While these events were passing in this country, the 
Puritans in England were experiencing the most unmitigated persecution, 
at the hand of Arch Bishop Laud and his minions. As their numbers 
increased, the various modes of punishment multiplied. Cupidity vied 



' Winthrop's Journal, vol. J, p. ISO. — The colors even in the fort, on account of the 
very next year only two of the Council, Vane cross in them, 
and Dudley, would consent to spread the King's 



MEMOIR. 65 

with avarice in imposing the most exorbitant fines. The pillory was 
repeatedly the mute witness of the bloody scene of human agony and 
mutilation. The scaffold and the dungeon had their victims. The lash, 
the shears, and the glowing iron were inflicted without mercy upon 
members of this proscribed sect.^ But the faith of the Puritan rose 
superior to oppression and could not be overcome. The mutilated limbs 
of its votaries, served only to add new converts to its cause. 

Before the close of the year 1635, Mr. Endecott was again involved 
in further trouble. The settlement of Mr. Williams in Salem had 
always been displeasing to the government. The General Court had 
granted a Plantation at Marblehead, and the inhabitants of Salem 
petitioned the same Court for some land at Marblehead Neck, which 
they claimed as belonging to them ; but they were refused a hearing 
upon the strange and unwarrantable ground that they had neglected to 
consult the government about the reception of Mr. Williams. Mr. Endecott 
and the people of Salem felt themselves aggrieved by such a total and 
unjustifiable disregard of their rights, and letters missive were sent from 
the Church to the several towns, advisatory of the course they should 
adopt towards those members who had refused to hear their petition. Mr. 
Endecott was called to answer for the part he had taken in those 
letters. He defended the course of the Salem Church as regular and 
just. His defence displeased the Court, which, with something of the 
spirit of the Star Chamber, voted by * general erection of hands, that 
Mr. Endecott be committed for contempt in protesting against its 
proceedings.' He was, however, subsequently dismissed upon some 
trifling acknowledgment. The Salem Deputies also incurred the 



'Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, vol. 2, ch. 5. 



56 MEMOIR. 

displeasure of the Court and were forbidden to take their seats as 
members of that body. In fact the vial of legislative wrath was poured 
out with no sparing hand, and the town was in reality, disfranchised, 
until such time as a majority of its freemen should disclaim those 
letters.* 

While Mr. Endecott was so repeatedly engaged in controversy of 
various kinds, he lost none of the public confidence. On the contrary, 
the energy of his character and the integrity of his motives, gained for 
him many friends. In 1636, he was re -instated as one of the 
Assistants. In this year he was also appointed to command an 
expedition that was sent out against the Block Island and Pequot 
Indians. The latter were the most warlike tribe in New England. A 
Mr. John Oldham from Watertown, had recently been murdered by the 
Block Island Indians, while on a trading voyage, and the government 
deeming that justice ought to be summarily visited upon them for this 
outrage, determined to send out forthwith a detachment of ninety men, 
under four Captains, and place the whole force under the command of 
Endecott as the General.^ This expedition sailed on the 24th day of 
August, and arrived at Block Island before the end of the month. 
Here they found some difficulty in landing on account of the surf, and 
were met by about forty Indians, who shot off their arrows at them, and 
then fled ; but the men being all armed with corsletts, only one was 
slightly wounded in the neck. Here they found two plantations, and 
about sixty wigwams, but after searching two days unsuccessfully for 



'The Court viewed llie act in the light of Endecott's, tliese corselets, viz. 18 back pieces ; 

treason. Cotton calls it: — " Crimen majcslalis 18 belly pieces; IS pieces of tassys; 18 head 

Itesae." pieces of 3 sorts; and but 17 gorgets, — item, 

« 27th, 4th mo., 163G. — This day was 16 pikes and J9 swords, 
brought into towne and carycd up to Mr. [ Scden Town Records. 



MEMOIR. 57 

Indians, who managed to elude tlioir pursuit, they burnt their wigwams, 
staved their canoes and left the Island. From hence tliej went to 
the mouth of the Connecticut River, to demand of tlic Pequots tiie 
murderers of a Captain Stone of Plymouth Colony, and some others. 
Being wind bound there for four days, Endecott with twenty men 
and two shallops, proceeded to the Pequot Harbor, wIiltc an Indian 
came to meet them in a canoe, and demanded to know the occasion 
of this visit. Endecott informed him he caine from the Governor of 
Massachusetts to speak with their Sachems, and was informed that 
Sassacus, their principal Sachem, had gone to Long Island. Tiiis 
Indian was again dispatched with orders to inform the other Sachems 
of his arrival. In the mean time the men under his command landed 
in much danger ; the shore being high rugged rocks, they were 
completely in the power of the Indians, who, however, neglected to use 
their advantage. When the messenger returned, the Indians began to 
gather about this little band, to the number of two or three hundred, 
and messengers were passing forwards and backwards with excuses for 
their Sachems not appearing. Believing that these manoeuvres were 
only subterfuges to gain time, Endecott told the Indians with whom he 
was surrounded, the particulars of his commission, and sent a messenger 
to inform their Sachems, if they would not allow him a hearing, nor 
yield to his demands, he should immediately commence hostilities. The 
answer returned to this menace was that the Sachems would grant the 
desired interview upon the condition that both parties sliould lay aside 
their weapons. Tired with trifling, and probably convinced that the 
Indians intended to practise some sort of treachery, " Endecott," we are 
told, " bid them begone and siiift for themselves, for they had dared the 
English to come fight with them, and now they had come for that purpose." 



Whereupon the Indians all withdrew. While they were retiring, it 

15 



m MEMOIR. 

was difficult for Endecott to prevent his men from firing upon 
them ; he " soon liowever went in pursuit, supposing they would have 
stood their ground, but they all fled and shot at the men from the 
thickets, Imt without harming any of them. They marched up to their 
town, burnt their wigwams, and then retired on board their vessels." 

On the following day they landed on the west side of the river, but 
met with none of the enemy. Here they also burnt their wigwams, and 
destroyed their canoes. Seeing that the Indians were determined to 
avoid them on all occasions, and that it would therefore be impossible 
under the circumstances to fulfil the objects of their visit, Endecott and 
his party returned to Boston, Avhere they arrived on the fourteenth of 
September, after an absence of little less than a month. It was 
subsequently ascertained, that in this skirmish they killed thirteen of the 
Pcquots and wounded forty.^ 

This has been considered an inglorious expedition, which tended 
only to e.xasperate and embolden the Indians to further acts of 
aggression. But we conceive as much was done, as under the 
circumstances, could well have been effected ; especially when we consider 
the extreme insignificance of the force employed against a numerous and 
warlike tribe. The destruction of their wigwams would seem both 
impolitic and unnecessary ; — yet it was strictly in accordance with the 
Indian mode of warfare in those days, and I might perhaps also add, 
of christian warfare in more modern times. The lapse of two hundred 
years, it would seem, has done but little to soften the horrors of war, 
or to christianize the rulers of this enlightened Republic. 



' For a full account, see Winilirop's Journal, from which the above is substantially taken. 



MEMOIR. 59 

During this year, ( 1636, ) the views of Mr. Endecott relative to 
the cross iii the King's colors, triumphed over all considerations, and 
the Military Commissioners ordered it to be left out. On the ensigns 
at Castle Island, in Boston Harbor, they substituted the King's arms 
for the cross. 



CHAPTER V I . 

^Ir. Williams banished — Hutchinson troubles — Colonists fear an Aristocracy — Hugh Peter 
sent to England as Agent — Endecott chosen Deputy Governor — Troubles vrhh D'Aulney 
and La Tour — Letter to Winthrop — Ipswich Remonstrance — Letter to Governor Wintliro]) 
in his justification — Letter about the troubles at Gloucester — Confederation formed — 
Troubles with " Chaddock" — Castle in Boston Harbor rebuilt— Superstition of the Times. 

Roger Williams had lendereci himself so obnoxious bj his perseverance 
in urging upon his own Church and the people at large, his pcculi;ir 
religious views and abstract notions of duty, which led him into 
perpetual collision with the Clergy and Government, that he was ejected 
from his ministry, and sentenced to be banished from the Colony, in 
November, 1635. Mr. Endecott, however, did not particij)ate in these 
proceedings ; — on the contrary, he had ever shown himself a warm 
friend to Mr. Williams ; who, in return, was thought to exercise an 
influence over the mind of his parishioner, not always the most salutary. 
However this may be, it is certain that the perplexing subjects of 
controversy in which he engaged, were much lessened after the departure 
of Mr. Williams from the Colony. 

But the removal of one heresy, only made way for another. Scarcely 
had Mr. Williams left the settlement with his little band of devoted 
friends, when new schisms were introduced to disturb the harmony of 
the Church. A Mrs. lluichinson, in 1G36, had broached new, and as 
was thought by many, dangerous heresies. We are told she was a 
woman of superior mind, " of ready wit and bold spirit." Her opinions 



MEMOIR. 61 

were exaaiiiied by the first Synod which ever assembled in New 
England. It met at Newton, now Cambridge, in August, 1637, and 
resulted in the condemnation of the opinions held by INIrs. Hutchinson, 
and her final banishment from the Colony. The growing power of the 
Clergy, as manifested by this assembly, was however viewed with 
distrust. The people, still sensitive under the recollection of the 
persecutions they had endured in their native country, were with 
difficulty persuaded so far to give it their sanction, as to send delegates. 
Mr. Endecott attended this Synod and took a deep and active part in 
the deliberations. With the proceedings against Mrs. Hutchinson, which 
divided the Church and even shook its foundations, he was induced by 
the inlluence and persuasion of the celebrated Hugh Peter, to declare 
himself satisfied.' Eighty - two prevailing errors were sought out, and 
received public censure as heretical. After this time, we are told, Mr. 
Endecott never engaged in any new scheme of doctrine or discipline 
in the Church; — on the contrary, "he began to be as sovereign 
against all sects, and as a magistrate did not bear his sword in vain."^ 
Notwithstanding this, his popularity was not diminished, and he was 
constantly employed in public service. It was a desideratum, in those 
days, whether civil government could consist with universal toleration in 
matters of religion, and " all sorts of consciences." Hutchinson says, 
" toleration was preached against as a sin in the rulers, which would 
bring down the judgments of heaven upon the land." The very term 
was synonymous with indifference, when applied to the subject of 
religion. A Thanksgiving was observed in the Colony, in October 



' " In the Synod of 1637, he [ Hugh Peter ] the proceedings." — Bcntley'3 Salem, Mass. Hist. 

had the greatest success in prevailing on Coll. 1, vol. vi,. p. 252. 
Endecott to declare that lie was satisfied with 'Ibid, pp. 252 and 255. 

IS 



63 MEMOIR. 

following, uhen devout acknowledgment was made for the decisions of 
the late Svnod. 

In 1639, the Colonists, strongly imbued wiih the sentiments of 
republicanism, and jealous of the least appearance of an hereditary 
Aristocracy being introduced among them, were unnecessarily disquieted 
at what they deemed indications that Governor Winthrop was endeavoring 
to make his office perpetual, by recommending his brother - in - law, Mr. 
Downing, as a candidate for an Assistant. Nor did Mr. Endecott, who 
was always found on the side of popular rights, altogether escape. 
The Deputies urged, that in compliance witli the Charter of the Colony, 
the magistrates who had served on tlie Standing Council, should b;; 
chosen as magistrates every year. Mr. Endecott, who was of that 
Council, and had also held the office of Assistant without being annually 
elected, understood this to be directed at him, and at once manifested 
his readiness to comply with the desire of the people. 

In the beginning of the year 1641, the Colony government, upon 
advice from England, concluded to send over agents to negotiate with 
the Parliament, as occasion might ofter to further the work of reformation 
in the Churches there, and for any thing else that might be deemed 
advantageous to the Colony here, The cause of this movement was 
the increasing power of the Parliament in opposition to the King, 
which was thought mii^ht nsult in his treating the non - conformists 
with more lenity. This measure did not, however, meet with favor 
from Mr. Endecott, and when the Governor applied to the Church in 
Salem to spare their pastor, the Rev. Hugh Peter,^ for this service, 

' Commonly •written Peters, but uniformly spelt by himself Teter. 



MF-^MOIR. 63 

he openly opposed it. This occasioned some unpleasant passages between 
him and Mr. Humphrey, an influential member of the Church, 
\vhos(^ wife was a daughter of tiie Earl of Lincoln, and sister to Lady 
Arbella Johnson.^ Mr. Endecott's want of co-operation in tiiis measure 
was supposed to arise from his unwillingness to part with Mr. Peter ; 
but ibis was by no means certain. His ostensible ground was, " that 
officers should not be taken from their Churches for civil occasions. 
That it would be reported in England, that we were in such want, 
as that we had sent to England to beg relief." This he considered a 
libel upon the goodness of God, and he disdained any such construction 
of their proceedings. To his perception they had more to fear than to 
hope from the Mother Country. One can here discern, that there were 
already minds panting after the ultimate independence of this country ; 
minds and spirits too, which even at that period of its infancy, 
disdained the idea of her inadequacy to take care of and provide for 
herself. A vision of his country's future greatness must then have been 
passing before his imagination. Already the seeds were sown, which 
were destined to ripen into that glorious result. The Church returned 
an answer at that time, that they could not spare Mr. Peter. Happy 
would it have been for him, if they had never retracted this decision ; 
but upon a further entreaty from the Court they subsequently consented, 
and Mr. Peter sailed for England, on this mission, by the way of 
Newfoundland, on the 3d of August following. As is well known, he 
never returned. After the restoration of Charles the Second, he was 



' This is the same person, who, upon llic tliat station in the Colony. He returned 

new organization of the Company in England, to England with his wife, in 1611, under 

20th October, 1C2D, was chosen Dcp. Governor; circumstances which reflect but little credit 

but remaining behind until 1631, Thos. Dudley upon either of them. For account of which, 

was chosen in his place, and he never filled see Lima's Lynn, pp. 77, 78. 



64 MEMOIR. 

executed for his adherence to Cromwell, and his alledged panicipaiion 
ill ihe death of the late King. The Colonists had reason to remember 
him with gratitude and affection. While he resided among them, he 
was constantly engaged in devising plans to promote their prosperity 
and advance their interests. In fact, it was the very pursuit of these, 
whicli placed him in the situation which led to his melancholy fate. 

During this year, Mr. Endecott was chosen Deputy Governor, and 
so continued for the two succeeding years. He was also appointed one 
of a committee to dispose of all lands, and other property belonging to 
the Company at Cape Ann. He was likewise commissioned by the Court, 
in conjunction with two others, Mr. Downing, the brother -in -law of Gov. 
Winthrop, and Mr. Hathorne, to have nineteen copies of the Laws, 
Liberties, and forms of Oaths, written off, and to subscribe them with 
their own iiands ; and the Court decreed that no copies should be 
considered authentic Avhich were without their signatures. 

In 1642, he was chosen one of the Corporation of Harvard University. 

During the following year, (1643,) the perplexing troubles commenced 
in the Colony respecting D'Aulney and La Tour, two rival Frenchmen 
at Acadia. The former commanded West, and the latter East, of the 
River St. Croix, by virtue of commissions from D'Razilly, to whom the 
King of France, in 1632, had granted all the lands around that Bay 
and River. Razilly dying soon afterwards, both these Frenchmen 
claimed a general command of Acadia, and hostilities commenced between 
them. In order to interest the Massachusetts Colony in his favor. 
La Tour invited the inhabitants of Boston to a free trade with his 
Colony, and D'Aulncy threatened to make prizes of any vessels which 



MEMOIR. 65 

came to La Tour. While affairs were in this belligerant attitude, 
La Tour came to Boston to solicit aid to remove his adversary. The 
Governor ( Winthrop, ) laid his request before such of the Magistrates 
and Deputies as were near Boston. They decided not to grant him any 
direct assistance, but permitted him to hire any vessels in the harbor, 
and tc engage any persons who might wish to enter into his service. 
He was also allowed to land and exercise his men, and view the means 
of defence ; which gave great umbrage to the inhabitants generally. Mr. 
Endecott, who was then Deputy Governor, took, the popular side in 
this difliculty, and wrote the following letter to Governor Winthrop. 
The language is firm and decided, yet mild and temperate. 

" Deare Sir : 

" I am glad that La Tour hath not ayd from us ; and I could 
wish hee might not have any from the shipps ; for as long as La Tour 
and D'Aulney are opposites, they will weaken one another. If La Tour 
should prevail against him, we shall undoubtedly have an ill neighbour. 
His fiUher and himselfe, as I am informed, have shed the blood of some 
English already, and taken away a pinnace and goods from Mr. 
Allerton. It were ( I think ) good that, that business were cleared before 
he had either ayd or libertie to hire shipps, — yea or to depart. 

" Sir, it is not the manner abroad to suffer strangers to view forts, 
or fortifications, as it seems these French have done. I must needes say 
that I feare wee shall have little comfort in having any thing to doe 
with these idolatrous French. The country hereabouts is much troubled 
that tlioy are so entertayned, and have their libertie, as they have, 
to bring their soldiers ashore, and to suffer them to trayne their men. 
And great jealousies there are, that it is not D'Aulney that is aymed 
at, seeing such a strength will neither sute such a poor designe, and La 

17 



66 MEMOIR. 

Tour a man of weake estate, as it is said. ^^ lierefore otiicr men's hands 
are employed, and purses too for some other purpose. But I leave all 
these things to your serious considerations, desireing the Lord to guide 
you therein to the glory and peace of the Church here, to whose grace 
I commit you, and humblie rest, 

Yours trulie ever, 
" I9th of 4th mo., 1643. Jo : E.ndecott." 

Subsequently a spirited remonstrance, or as Mr. Endecott calls it, 
a " protestation," was got up at Ipswich, and signed by Richard 
Saltonstall and many others, dated the 14th of the 5th mo., ( July ) 
1643. It condemned in no measured terms the conduct of Governor 
Winthrop in this affair. These proceedings against the Governor 
awakened the sympathy of Mr. Endecott, and met with his warmest 
disapprobation, as the following consolatory letter will show. 

" Dearest Sy 

" I finde that your troubles are many, and especiallie about 
this French busines. The Lord in mercie support you. I am much 
grieved to heare what I heare. And I see more of y! spiritte of 
some men, than ever I thought I should see. The Lord rebuke Satan : 
S." 1)6 of good comfort, I doubt not but that or God that is in 
heaven, will cary y° above all the injuries of men ; ffor I know y? 
would not permitt any thinge, much less act in any thinge, that might 
tend to the least damage of this people ; and this I am assured of, 
that most of God's people heere about us, are of yf same minde : 
the rumoures of the countrie, you know they rise out of ignorance 
I)rincipallie, and much out of feares ; wherefore I pray you, let there 
be satisfaction given as soon as you convenientlie can, in the way you 



MEMOIR. 67 

wrote mee of; ftbr I fiiide the spiritts of men in this countrie are too 
quick and forward — I cannot excuse myself — jet I bless God not to 
wronge jou; but according to the information and lighte I received from 
you, I acted ])ubliquelie so farre forth, as to break dnwn all prejudice 
against yourselfe or the rest that advised w'." you. Our prayers 
heere are publiquelie and privately for a good issue of it and that 
continuallie. I hope God will look upon your sinceritie, and will heare 
our requests. 

" I see no good use of such protestations, as I heare of; but they 
may prove more dangerous than the French busines by farre, if our 
God hinder not. However it will be of use, God directinge to make 
a holy use of it. 

" Touching my coming to Boston about the Dutch busines,^ I cannot 
see how it will be of any use, for the messenger cannot have a 
determinate answer till the Generall Court, and to - morrow we 
have appointed many of the towne for the working of our fort, which 
unless I be there, there will not any thinge be done. And I received 
not your letter till this day, after our lecture. 

" I conceive if you do any thinge about Mr. Oatelyes busines, that 
you will also be pleased to appoint some day, and grant some summons 
to him, that hee may bring in his witnesses, that there may not be any 
just ground of exceptions given, for he speaks as if he were much 
wronged in all the testimonies taken against him, and saith he can 
disprove them : 

" Touching the note about Bushrode, I shall bringe it with mee 
{ God willing ) the next Court. 



' Troubles with the Dutch at Hartford, ( Conn. ) Vide Savnge's Wintkrop, 2 vol., pp. 129, 130. 



68 



MEMOIR. 



" The Lord our good God uphold and continue you amongest us to 
doe yet further service to whose grace I committ you, 

" Yours ever trulie to serve, 
" Salem, 26th 5th mo., '43. Jo : Endecott." 

The foregoing letter is transcribed from the original, now found 
among the papers of Gov. Endecott, in a very good state of preservation. 
The chirography is handsome, but difficult to read, the characters being 
those used at the beginning of the 17th century. Notwithstanding 
the lapse of two hundred years, the sealing wax still bears the perfect 
impression of the flesh of his thumb, where he pressed it down on 
account of its thickness. Its subscription is " To the right worshipfuUe 
John Winthroppe, Esq., Governr. at Boston, Dl." The seal is a death's 
head and cross bones, an apt emblem of the gloomy minds, and tastes 
of our Puritan fore - fathers. On the outer circle is the name of "John 
Garrad.'" This was an impression from a signet ring which he wore 
upon the little finger of his right hand.^ 

The ingenuousness of Mr. Endecott's mind is apparent in every 
sentiment of the preceding letter. " I find the spiritts of men in this 



' What connexion, if any, existed between 
him and the person bearing that name, or 
whether there is any affinity in the etymology 
of the two names, cannot now be asceilaiued. 
John Garrad or Garrard was of highly 
respectable descent, and among the distinguished 
Commoners of England. One of the name, a 
contemporary of Mr. Endecott, was made a 
Baronet in the nineteenth year of the reign 
of James the First, and served the office of 
Sheriff of Herts three years in the following 
reign. His father had been Lord Mayor of 
London, in 1601 — he died 1625, and was 



interred in Saint Magnus Church, where a 
handsome monument is erected to his memory. 
AVe do not learn that either father or son 
were Puritans. The fact that one held office 
under James and the other under Charles, is 
in truth collateral evidence to the contrary. 
[Burke's Commoners of England. 
' As seen in his original portrait. Gov. 
Dudley probably wore a ring with a similar 
devise, as we should conclude from an anagram 
sent him in 1645, beginning, 
*' A tlenlirs head on your hand you need not weare, 
A dying head you on your shoulders beare.'* 



MEMOIR. 69 

countrie are too quick and forward, — I cannot excuse myselfe, — yet 
I bless God not to wrong you," is a liberal and frank confession of 
contrition for tiie part be had taken in the censure recently cast upon 
the worthy Governor. The caution and advice not to act without 
mature deliberation " about Mr. Oatelyes busines," — giving him time to 
" bring in his witnesses, that there may be no just ground of exceptions 
given," is indicative of his love of justice and equity ; — the essential 
attribute of all good magistrates. 

The following letter from Deputy Governor Endecott to Governor 
Winthrop, will add to the many proofs we already have, of the care 
with which the government, at that time, watched over the morals and 
conduct of the people. 

" Dearest Sir, 

" I heard nothing further of the Gloucester busines till the 
3d day of this week at even, when I received a letter from Mr. 
Blinman,^ together with a complaint of the towne against Griffin's 
companie for several misdemeanors, and at the foot of the complaint a 
reference from yourselfe and three other magistrates to mee for the 
rcdresse of them. I therefore despatched away a messenger betimes the 
next morning, with a letter to Mr. Griffin, that hee would send me 
such of his men, whose names I had underwritten his letter, to answer 
to the misdemeanors of Sabbath breaking, swearing, and drunkenness : 
and withal I sent a letter with instructions to Mr. Blinman with a 
warrant addressed to the constable. That if Mr. Griffin would not 
send his men, that the constable should attach their persons, and bring 



'The Clergyman at that place, a Cburch having been established there the previous year. 



la 



70 MEMOIR. 

them before mee : If they did resist or refuse, not to strive with them, 
nor use any provoking terms, but to take witness of their carriadge, and 
to return mee an answer ; which here I have sent you enclosed. I 
would have proceeded against them according to your directions ( to 
wit ) by force ; but I had rather if you see good, trye first another 
way ; which is, to send a prohibition under your and divers of the 
magistrates hands : besides forbidding Mr. Stephens and the rest of the 
shippe carpenters there, or any where within this jurisdiction, upon some 
penaltie, to work a stroke of worke more upon Mr. Griffins shippe, till 
they had further order from the Governor, &c. I desire to heare from 
you what you would have done. In the mean tyme I have sent away 
another letter to Mr. Griffin, wishing him to counsel! his men ( if he 
cannot command them ) to submit to authoritie, seeing they stand out 
to their own loss and disadvantage. What his return will be, you 
shall heare as soon as I can send it. 

" I pray you good Sir, let me be excused from coming to this 
Court, for I am not fitted for Winter journies, and for such bad wayes 
as we must pass. I want much to heare of your sonnes iron and 
Steele. If the countrie will not be encouraged by so useful a design 
to enlardge themselves for the advantage of it, 1 know not what will. 

" The Lord, our good God, in mercie keep you and yours, to whose 
grace I commit you and rest, 

" Yours trulie and unfeignedly, 

"Salem, 1st 10th mo., 1643. (December.) Jo: Endecott." 

" I am glad to heare of your sonne Mr. Stephens 
safe return, together with his beloved. I desire 
to be kindly remembered to them both. 

The preceding letter shows that mildness and forbearance were not 



MEMOIR. 71 

always incompatible with his warm and ardent temperament. A moderation 
is here exhibited, alike creditable to him as a magistrate, and a man. 
Although the laws had been violated and public morals outraged, a 
course of entreaty and persuasion was preferred to severity, as likely to 
produce more beneficial results ; and this too, regardless of directions 
from superior authority. The very reverse of this, is the impression 
usually given of his character and conduct. 

At this period a confederation was formed between Massachusetts, 
New Haven, Connecticut, and Plymouth, styled the United Colonies 
OF New England. In all matters, whether in peace or war, which 
related to the general welfare, they agreed to be governed by a 
majority of Commissioners chosen by each Colony. In their individual 
jurisdiction, they were to be entirely distinct and independent of each 
other. Thus was forged the first links in the chain, which was to bind 
together the present family of republics. 

During this year (1643,) a vessel of about one hundred tons burthen, 
belonging to the Earl of Warwick, visited Boston, She was commanded 
by one Chaddock, or as Mr. Endccott calls him, " Haddock," a dissolute 
man, who had a crew like himself. They caused much trouble to 
Governor Winthrop and the Colonists generally. His object was to 
transport passengers, to people the Island of Trinidada, but none could 
be prevailed upon to remove. Failing in this, he employed his vessel 
in the service of La Tour, and sailed for Acadia. On his return a 
pinnace of about thirty tons, belonging to this Captain, was blown up 
near Castle Island. Five men were killed and three others wounded. 
In reference to this affair, Mr. Endecott wrote the following letter to 
Governor Winthrop. It is here transcribed from the original. 



72 MEMOIR. 

" Dearest Sir, 

" I must needs acknowledge I was somewhat grieved when I 
hearde of Haddock's cariadge to yourselfe, and Mr. Payne's staying 
aboard that they could not be commanded ashore upon any occasion. I 
thought then of Castle Island, that it might be of good use to controle 
such fellowes : But to be of any strength to yo' towne or countrie, I 
cannot see it. I verily think that the countrie will be verie willing 
that there may be a fort there, built at the chardges of the townes 
thereabouts : And to understand their willingness or consent to it, I 
think it may be done by what is propounded, viz., to send to the 
magistrates and deputies, or if you see good to the magistrates and 
deputies of the several shores, who may easily come together without 
any chardge to the countrie. 

" We have here in Essex appointed a day to meet in Salem, viz., 
the twenty - second of the next month, to consider something for the 
Common -wealth, according to an order of Court. Now then, I think it 
will be soon enough to send in our counsell or consent thereon, seeing 
little can be done to the work in the mean tyme. 

" I heare you have great sights upon the water, seen between the 
Castle and the towne, men walking on the water in the night, ever 
since the shippe was blown up : or fire in the shape of men : there 
are verie few do believe it, yet here is a great report of it, brought 
from thence the last day of the week. 

" I am glad that the Mohaks newes is false. The maid is now going 
along w"* us to Orchard, where yf sonnc shall be heartilie w'elcome. 

" The Lord continue peace unto us if it be his blessed will, to whose 
grace I commit you and ever rest, 

" Your assured loving friend and servant, 
" 29th of the 11th mo., 1643. Jo: Endecott.^' 



MEMOIR. 73 

Upon the suggestion contained in this letter, the fort at Castle 
Island, which had been dismantled a few years before, and allowed to 
decay, was rebuilt the following year at the expense of the six neighboring 
towns. The superstition of the times is manifested by the allusion to 
the " great sights upon the waters." He remarks " there are verie few 
who believe it," but does not intimate the state of his own mind upon 
this subject ; a belief however in supernatural appearances was almost 
universal at that period. 

19 



CHAPTER VII. 

Mr. Endecott Governor — Improvements in the Legislature — Misunderstandings there — D'Aulney 
and La Tour troubles settled — Civil War rages in England — Perplexities arising therefrom 
in the Colony — Introduction of Free Schools — Succeeded as Governor by Dudley — 
Appointed Sergeant Major General and Commissioner — Letter to Governor Wintbrop — 
Copper Mine. 

We have now arrived at the year 1644, when tlie increasing 
influence and popularity of Mr. Endecott insured his election as Governor, 
and Mr. Winthrop was chosen Deputy Governor. On the election of 
Mr. Endecott, the claim of Salem to be made the seat of government, 
was again revived, and it would be fair to infer from his well known 
attachment to this place, that the project met with his hearty 
co-operation. In fact, it has been asserted that he was pledged to 
the Deputies from Essex, to use his influence to effect this object, 
should he be elected Governor ; and that he owed in some measure his 
election to this very circumstance. However this may be, the effort 
was not successful, and Boston still continued to be the Capital. 

During this year of his administration, improvements in the mode of 
transacting business in the Legislature, were introduced. The Magistrates 
and Deputies, for the first time, now held their sessions apart ; — and 
it required the concurrence of both bodies, to make any act valid. 
The office of a speaker to the Deputies, was also introduced this year 
for the first time, and filled by an Essex man, Mr. William Hathorne. 

Jealousies and misunderstandings had unhappily for some time existed 
between these two branches of the government, owing in a great degree 



MEMOIR. 75 

to the duties and prerogatives of each not being sufficiently defined. The 
Magistrates assuming the right to conduct all the affairs of the Colony, 
when the Deputies were not in session, and the latter body challenging 
their right to do so, to the extent they had done. A Special Court 
was in consequence held this year, to take the subject into consideration, 
and endeavor to devise some measures which might serve to allay this 
unnatural animosity. It was finally calmed, though not wholly adjusted, 
by the efforts of the Elders, to whom their differences were referred. 

The conflicting claims of D'Aulney and La Tour were finally settled 
during this year, by the Government of France supporting the claim of 
D'Aulney. His Deputy thereupon came to Boston, and concluded a 
treaty with Governor Endecott,* which was subsequently ratified by the 
Commissioners of the United Colonies of New England. 

At this period the civil war in England had assumed a very serious 
aspect. Open hostilities had already commenced between the Royalists 
and the Parliament forces in Bristol and Gloucester, and it required 



'Of the debate with the Commissioner those who understood it; and with those who 

which preceded |the final adjustment, Winthrop did not, he availed himself of the language 

says, — "Upon these things we discoursed half in which he could best make himself intelligible. 

a day, sometimes with our Governour in It by no means follows that Mr. Endecott did 

French, and otherwhile with the rest of the not understand both languages : — French was 

Magistrates in Latin." The treaty was written not so common an acquirement in those days 

in Latin, which Mr. Savage thinks was done as Latin. For proof of Mr. Endecott's proficiency 

by Winthrop, " as from what is said above in the French language, see his certificate to 

it may reasonably be concluded that Emkcoll a translation of a Grant from Sir William 

was not sufficiently versed in the learned Alexander, a Scotsman, to Sir Claude St. 

language." — Savage's Winthrop, 2 vol., pp. 19G Eslienne, "of all the countrey of New Scotland 

and 197. — We have, however, arrived at a called by the French the countrey of Acadia," 

different conclusion. It was natural that the originally written in French, — among Hazard's 

Commissioner, ( Marie, supposed a friar,) should Hist. Coll., vol. 1., p. 310. 
prefer to discourse in his own language with 



76 MEMOIR. 

very cautious and skilful management on the part of the Colonists, to 
steer a middle course between the two conflicting parties. The more 
so, as the bias of the people was unfriendly to the King. Still divisions 
on the subject were taking place among the Colonists, and the Court 
declared that the Parliament were only " against the malignant papists 
and delinquents" of England, but not the King, and therefore they 
" forbid any to declare themselves for the King against the Parliament." 
To heighten the perplexity of their situation, the Captain of a ship of 
war of twenty - four guns, belonging to London, and bearing the 
commission of the Earl of Warwick, Lord High Admiral, had taken 
possession of a ship from Bristol in Boston Harbor. This by many 
was considered a violation of their Patent. By order of Deputy Gov. 
Winthrop, the Captain of the man-of-war was directed to present his 
commission to Governor Endecott, who was then residing in Salem, and 
by him it was laid before a meeting of Magistrates and Elders. Much 
discussion arose, but in conclusion it was not thought expedient to 
oppose the Parliament's commission, but to allow the Captain to retain 
his prize. 

The cause of learning, as a necessary means of spreading a general 
intelhgence throughout the community, had ever received the fostering 
care and attention of the Colonists from the first moment of their 
landing on these shores. It was placed almost side by side with the 
cause of religion itself. In the first clearing that was made in the 
forest, the meeting house and the school house were seen rising up 
simultaneously. A college had already been established at Cambridge, 
and provision made by several towns " for the maintaining of poore 
skollers." Salem, towards whose growth and prosi^erity Mr. Endecott's 
untiring exertions had ever been most earnestly directed, and in the 



MEMOIR. 77 

supervision and management of whose internal, as well as external 
concerns, he was constantly engaged, was one of the first to introduce 
into its domestic policy the free school system, which has since become 
the pride and boast of the whole country. It is interesting, at this 
time, to notice it in its incipient stages. The plain and quaint 
language of the record shows the simple state of society at that period. 
September 30, 1644, " Ordered that a note be published on next 
Lecture day, that such as have children to be kept at schoole would 
bring in their names, and what they will give for one whole year, 
and also that if anie poor boilie hath children or a childe to be put to 
schoole, and not able to pay for their schooling, that the towne will 
pay it, by a rate.^ The " seaven men chosen this yeare," and under 
whose direction this order was issued, were John Endecott, William 
Hathorne, William Lord, JefTry Massey, Peter Palfrey, Thos. Gardner, 
and Henry Bartholomew. If this had been all we ever heard of any of 
them, their names would deserve immortality as the benefactors of their 
race. Mr. Endecott was also Governor of the Colony, and Mr. Hathorne 
Speaker to the Deputies at the same time. The salary of the Governor 
this year, was one hundred pounds. 

In 1G45, Mr. Endecott was succeeded as Governor by Mr. Dudley. 
But other offices of honor and trust awaited him. He was this year 
appointed Sergeant Major General of Massachusetts, — the highest 



' We find in the Records of the Quarterly Auger warn a towne meeting, the second day 

Court, under date of Blarch 30lh, 1611, three of the week." This, says Felt, is the first 

years previous to the above, — " Col. Endecott icrillen intimation we have of instruction without 

moved about the flcnces and about a ffree price among our settlers. This applied to 

skoole, and therefore wished a whole towne Salem. — Fdt's Annals. 

meeting about it; therefore that Goodman 

so 



78 MEMOIR. 

military office ia the Colony. He had previously held a commission of 
Colonel in the first regiment formed in Salem, Saugus, Ipswich, and 
Newbury, in the year 1636, when John Winthrop, Jr., son of the 
Governor, was his Lieutenant Colonel. He was also elected an Assistant, 
and one of the United Commissioners. 

In 1646, three Special Commissioners were appointed to treat with 
D'Aulney upon certain complaints preferred by him against the Colonists. 
Instructions were drawn up by a Committee of five, among whom was 
Mr. Endecott. In reference to this business he wrote the following 
letter to Governor Winthrop. 

" Dearest Sir, 

*' I understand by Mr. Downing that you have received letters 
from Mons. D'Aulney, and that he will send to us the 7th month. I 
could wish if you see it good, that the Commissioners were acquainted 
with it, I mean of the several Provinces, and moved if they see good 
to be here, because I desire they may be as thoroughlie engaged in 
what is done, or may be concluded as ourselves. 

" If you intend to call a General Court now, it will be in the 
middest of all our occasions, and the countrie will much suffer in it. 
If it be any time before D'Aulney's messenger comes to us it will be 
well enough as farre as I can conceive ; and if it were just at the 
time it would be better ; but I conceive that as uncertaine, unless he 
hath appointed a certayne tyme : but I leave all to your better 
considerations. I humbly thank you for all the newes you have sent 
us at several tymes : we find here the hand of God much upon 
severall men's grayne by caterpillars, which threaten a dearth. " The 



MEMOIR. 79 

Lord fit us for what he shall call us unto, to whose blessing I commit 
jou, and all yours, and rest 

'• Yours unfeignedlj, Jo : Endecott." 

" My wiffe desires to have her service 
remembered to Mrs. Winthroppe. 

"9th of the 5th mo., 1646. (July.)" 

At this time, amid his numerous public duties and engagements, we 
find him interesting himself to devise means to prevent the emigration of 
young men of education who for want of encouragement, were leaving 
the country in pursuit of employment abroad. It was certainly important 
to the best interests of the Colony that this emigration should in some 
way be arrested, lest by lowering the standard of intelligence the minds 
of the people should become debased. The only feasible mode, 
however, in which it could be attained, was to remove the cause, 
which was leading them to take this step. Mr. Endecott, therefore, as 
one of the United Commissioners in 1646, signed a recommendation that 
" poore schollars be employed in the countrie, that they may be 
encouraged to live at home." 

In 1648, he was continued an Assistant, Sergeant Major General, 
and Commissioner of the Province, 

This year a copper mine was discovered upon his land on Ipswich 
River, near a place called at that time " blind hole." It was tested 
by a Mr. Leader, overseer of the Iron Works at Lynn, who 
must have given a favorable opinion of it, as Mr. Endecott in 1651, 
while Governor, petitioned the General Court for the grant of a 
wood lot in its neighborhood, to enable him to work it with more ease. 



80 MEMOIR. 

In this petition he states that he had " already been at some charges 
for the finding and melting of copper ore, and is still in prosecution 
of bringing it to perfection, by sending over to Sweden and Germany 
for persons well skilled in the art, to assist him." This mine was, 
however, subsequently abandoned, it not yielding sufiicient to encourage 
him to work it. 

Such was the value of fruit trees and the cheapness of land at this 
period, that we find Governor Endecott this year (1648,) exchanged 
five hundred apple trees of three years growth, with a William Trask, 
for two hundred and fifty acres of land. Their relative value being 
two trees for an acre. At this time there was so great a scarcity of 
money in the Colony, that all trade or traffic between the inhabitants 
was necessarily conducted by means of barter.^ The following transaction 
will illustrate this want of a circulating medium. In 1648, Mr, 
Endecott purchased of Henry Chickering a farm of three hundred acres 
for £160, and it was stipulated that the payment was to be made 
" in cattell or English graine at the generall rate of the countrey, or 
as twoe indifferent men shall judge : The one to be chosen by the 
said Chickering or his assignes, the other by the said John Endecott or 
his assignes — the corne to be delivered at Salem where the said Henry 
Chickering or his assignes shall appoint. The cattell to be prized at 
the farme were they are in Salem, and driven half way to Dedham at 
the charge of the said John Endecott." 



' From 1G43 to 1649, there was a great and broken up, and inhabitants continually emigrated 

fearful embarrassment as to hard money and to other parts in consequence of the contentions 

every species of exchange. The main cause of in England, between the Royalists and 

this was that the foundation of all confidence was Parliament. — F(Ws Ac't. Mass. Cur., pp. !i6, 27. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Deatli of Winthrop — Cliosen Governor — Troubles during; his Administration — Protest against 
Long Hair — Slint established — Removes to Boston — Grant of Land on Ipswich and 
Merrimack Rivers — Letter to John Leverett. 

Upon the death of Governor Winthrop, which took place on the 
2Gth of March, 1649, at the age of 63, Mr. Endecott was again chosen 
Governor, to which office he was annually elected until the time of his 
death, with the exception of the years 1650 and 1654, when he held 
that of Deputy Governor. This was an eventful period in the history of 
the Colony, as well as of the Mother Country. Tlie violent death of 
Charles the First, the usurpation of Cromwell, and the restoration of the 
Stuart family, took place while he was at the helm of public affiiirs. The 
difficulties and perplexities of his situation during this period, were very 
great. But all his public acts are marked with a moderation and wisdom 
which do honor to him as an experienced statesman. Had he 
possessed less integrity or firmness, had his mind been at all vascillating, 
the consequences might have been disastrous to the best interests of the 
Colony. But with an eye keen to discern the approach of danger, and a 
mind fruitful in resources to avert it, he steered the ship of state among 
shoals and quick sands, through difficult and dangerous passages, amid 
storms which threatened to involve her in utter ruin, and at last not only 
brought her oflf with honor into a safe and secure position unscathed, but 
by his energy and decision, contributed to promote her future welfare and 
prosperity. The Colony with a wise forecast, acknowledged allegiance to 
Cromwell and to the Parliament only so far as was necessary to keep up 

91 



82 MEMOIR. 

appearances and avoid giving offence, but no further, and they were 
careful to indulge in no marks of disrespect to the memory of the 
late King. 

On the accession of Mr. Endecott once more to the gubernatorial chair, 
he with the Deputy Governor Dudley and assistants entered into a Protest 
against the practise of wearing long hair, " after the manner of Russians 
and barbarous Indians, contrary to the rule of God's word ;" and requested 
the Elders to use means for its suppression among the members of their 
churches. This was in accordance with a custom which had prevailed 
in England since the year 1641 ; the favorers of Parliament being 
called Round Heads, because they wore short hair.^ Our Puritan fathers, 
ever fond of fortifying themselves with Scripture authority on all 
occasions, took shelter in this affair behind the injunctions of St. Paul. 
Governor Endecott has been very unjustly held responsible for this 
Protest, when in fact the views it exhibited had no claim to originality ; 
— for near six hundred years the thunders of the Church had at times 
been levelled against this practise, in canons and anathemas of 
excommunication.* We contend that it is contrary to the true principles 



'The Rev. Mr. Felt remarks in his zeal he was much commenJeJ. There is also 

Annals of Salem, that " in accordance with a canon slill extant, under date of 109(3, 

such use there can be no wonder Mr. Endecott importing that such as wore long liair should 

and his associates should have done as they be excluded from the Church while living, or 

did. Not a few writers in our land mention being prayed for when dead. Serb, a Norman 

the Protest against long hair as having bishop, having converted Henry I. and iiis 

originated with him, when in fact the views courtiers in lllU, by a sermon preached before 

it expressed had been for years prevailing, and them against long curled hair, gave them no 

were not only cherished in this country, but time to change their minds, but immediately 

also in England. pulled a pair of shears out of his sleeve, and 

' Anslem, Archbishop of Canterbury, performed tlie operation with his own hand, 
pronounced an anathema of excommunication [Black. Ed. Mug. vol. 56, p. 4(j(i. 

on all who wore long hair, for which pious 



iMEMOlR. 83 

of equity for historians thus to select aud garble a few isolated acts 
in his life or administration, like those of veils and long hair, and show 
them forth as illustrating the character of the man. As if from mere 
whim or caprice he had stepped aside from the usual custom and 
practise of other legislators of his day, and availed himself of his official 
station and influence to carry into effect certain peculiar and abstract 
notions of his own. Such evidently was not the fact, however lamentably 
successful some writers may have been in giving this impression. All 
interference in matters of this kind was in strict accordance with the 
spirit of the times, and considered as no violation of the rights^ of the 
people. The views expressed were not peculiar to any one man, but 
pervaded nearly the whole community. 

In the year 1632, under his administration, a mint was established 
in the Colony for coining shillings, sixpences and threepences. No 
other of the American Colonies ever presumed to coin metal into money. 
It was however passed over by Cromwell and the Parliament, and 
continued after the restoration for more than twenty years. While we 
honor in our ancestors these early aspirations after independence, we 
cannot but wonder at their temerity in adopting a measure in direct 
violation of the known laws of England, which reserved to the crown 
alone, the exclusive privilege of coining money as one of its most 
important prerogatives ; and any infringement of it was considered as 
high treason. It was, however, so managed by the Colonists that it 
was attended with no loss to their interests. 

About the year 1655, Governor Endecott removed from Salem to 
Boston, upon the request of the Court that he would do so, " if his 
own necessary occasions would permit." Although the reasonableness of 



84 MEMOIR. 

this request must have been apparent to him, the step could not 
have been taken without strong feelings of repugnance. It must have 
been a severe struggle for him to have separated himself from the place 
of his adoption, towards which he had ever felt and exhibited the 
most ardent attachment. He was to leave friends, too, endeared to 
him as companions from the infancy of the settlement, with whom he 
had shared perils, dangers and sufferings, almost too great for human 
endurance ; — with whom he had also taken sweet counsel in seasons of 
gloomy despondency, when the last hope of earthly comfort appeared to 
be leaving them forever. Although thus called upon to sever ties 
cemented by the associations of upwards of a quarter of a century, 
his fondest sympathies and warmest affections ever delighted to linger in 
gratitude around the spot consecrated in his recollection as the one, 
which first stretched forth its arms to receive and shelter him from the 
persecution and intolerance of his mother country. His residence in 
Boston was on the beautiful lot lately owned and occupied by Gardner 
Greene, now Pemberton Square.^ All lovers of the picturesque will 
regret the transformation which the march of improvement has recently 
effected in this place. 

In the year 1657 he received a further grant of one thousand acres 
of land on Ipswich River, for seventy - five pounds paid by him and 
Mrs. Endecott.- This land, or a part of it, was afterwards exchanged 



'Snow's History of Boston. River, containing about 404 ace : and an Hand 

''Tliis is according to the record, but I of 36 ace: which five hundred is part of that 

have in my possession the copy of a plan of thousand ace: which was granted him by this 

his farm of 500 acres at Tenicolce, now Hon. Court, May 7, 1657. Andover, May 5lh, 

Concord, N. H., on which I find the following : 1664, by Jonath. Danforth, Survr." It is endorsed 

"John Eudccot, Esq., Governor, liis farme at by Governor Endecott, " Plott of my 500 accr. 

Penicoke upon the north-east of the Merrimack att Tenacooke 1064." 



MEMOIR. 85 

for Hog Island, near Falmouth, which was granted him by the government 
in the year 16G1. 

lie had now (1657,) entered upon his seventieth year, with a 
shattered constitution, and health seriously impaired, as we learn by the 
following letter to Mr. John Leverett, the Colonial Agent in England. 

" Sir, 

" I cannot write unto you by a more faithfuUe friend' than I 
have done, who is able at large, to relate to you how things in general 
stand here. And that doth save mee some labour which at this 
tyme is a favour to mee. For in the extremitie of heate and after a 
long sickness, I am very faint ; not fitt to doe any thinge, yet I cannot 
but by these heartilie salute you in the Lord giving you many thanks 
for what you sent me. For all good newes is welcome to us as you 
know full well. Yet I cannot for the present answer your expectations 
touching Road Island and Clarke & Holmes,'' but I have acquainted 
the rest of the Magistrates with your letter, who were all ready to 
gather up sufficient testimonie to prove what you spake to the Protector, 
and enough to satisfy ( we doubt not ) your opponent, if he be a lover 
of the truth. Onlie we would have the Generall Court act with us 
therein, which will not meet till September next, when I hope I shall 
procure a full answer to your former and last letters. 

" What the end is of that point of State to make the Protector, 
King, 1 cannot fathom it ; unless their proffering and his deniall thereof. 



' This " failhfuUe friend" was none other was tried by the Court of Assistants in 1651, 

than Mrs. Leverett, the wife of the Agent. nnd fined £30 for attending a meeting of this 

• Clarlv k Ilulnies were Aanabaptists. Tiie sect with Clark at Lynn, — but refusing to pay 

former was from Rhode Island. The latter the fine he was publicly whipped in Boston. 
22 



g6 MEMOIR. 

ingratiate him the more in the hearts of the people. The Lord in 
mercie guide all to his glorie, and the good of those commonwealths 
over whom he hath sett him. If there be any opportunitie I pray you 
write mee a word about it, and other occurrences that may fall out. 
I cannot be sufticientlie thankfulle for what you wrote mee last. 
Great motions there are in the world which the Lord direct and turn to 
his glorie, the overthrow of his enemies, and the peace and welfare of 
his own people, Which is the prayer of Sir, 

" Your verie loveing friend and servant, 

Jo : Endecott." 
"Boston, the 29th 4th mo., (June) 1657.'' 



CHAPTER IX. 

Prosperity and Trade of Ihe Colony — Quaker Difficulties —His conduct vindicated — Grant of 
one fourth of Block Island — His conduct to the Indians. 

During the principal part of Mr. Endecott's administration, and 
particularly from 1655 to 1660, the Colony " under his prudent and 
equal government,'" made rapid progress in all things necessary to its 
respectability and importance. Its numbers and wealth rapidly increased ; 
its trade flourished; and its foreign intercourse became every day more 
widely extended. Free admission was allowed to vessels of all nations, 
and the importations of all commodities was subject to no incumborancc 
or restraint. The Colony took no notice of any act of Navigation, 
Plantation, or other laws made in England for the regulation of 
trade, and they were never recognized as in force here, unless required 
by their own legislature. But during this period of their prosperity the 
religious atmosphere was overcharged with dissention, and sectarianism 
laid its withering hand heavily upon them. All the troubles heretofore 
experienced in the Churches, from the peculiar views of Mr. Williams 
and Mrs. Hutchinson, were as nothing to those which now commenced 
with a sect of religionists called " Quakers," who first began to make 
their appearance in the Colony in the year 1656, and filled the minds 
of the inhabitants with consternation and alarm. Strange as it may 
appear, these people sought most those places where they met witii 
the greatest opposition and persecution. They shunned Rhode Island 



> Mather's Magnalia, p. IS. 



88 MEMOIR. 

for the want of it, although even there Roger Williams, uith all his 
liberal views of religious toleration, was constrained to declare, ' that 
there are bounds of order which should he observed by all sects, and 
that the Quakers had surpassed them.' They came into Massachusetts 
knowing the strong feeling in the public mind against them. They 
exhibited a perverseness in the very outset. No place was too sacred to 
be disturbed by the outbreaks by these religious agitators. The Church 
and the Council room shared alike. Their violent and extravagant 
conduct incensed the Court and the people. They disclaimed all 
allegiance to any form of government not in the hands of men of 
their own principles ; and publicly insulted and reviled the Governor in 
the open streets, denouncing judgment against him for restraints upon 
their liberties. Their desperate conduct should offer some apology for 
the severe treatment they experienced both in England and this 
country ; though we are free to admit that their punishment was often 
disproportionate to their offence. We would fain draw a veil over the 
proceedings of this period, which were dictated, we believe, by a pious 
but mistaken zeal, did not justice forbid it. We can only speak of the 
Quaker persecution, as it is commonly called, in a very general way. 
To give a detailed and circumstantial account of the causes which 
moved our forefathers to oppose them with so much rigor, or to dwell 
upon the merits of the controversy, we believe would be alike tedious 
and unprofitable. At first, this sect was proceeded against in the 
Colony with much moderation. They were privately admonished by 
the Governor at his house, and their conduct and language on such 
occasions were rude and indecorous in the extreme. The first law against 
them with the penalty of death, was passed in 1G58. The Commissioners 
of the United Colonies exasperated by their obstinacy and violence, 
had recommended this measure to the several Colonies. Endccott is 



MEMOIR. 89 

said to Iiave been in favor of it. He certainly gave it his official 
sanction. But whatever might have beau his own private views, he 
exhibited no vindictive feelings ; nor did he willingly permit the authorized 
severities of that law towards those miserably deluded and misguided 
fanatics. We speak this rather with reference to their conduct than to 
their principles. That unostentatious, orderly, and peace - loving sect of 
the present day, are in strong contrast with the refractory and violent 
ranters of former times. Their turbulent conduct at that period infused 
into all minds a belief that they were dangerous enemies to the liberties 
of the state, and " fit instruments to propagate the kingdom of Satan.'" 
Governor Endecott, therefore, felt himself bound in conscience both to 
God and man, " to keep the passage with the point of the sword held 
towards them," hoping that the severity of the penalty would deter 
them from returning into the Colony after the sentence of banishment. 
But not realizing " what manner of spirit they were of," he was 
mistaken ; and their " wittingly rushing themselves thereupon [ the sword ] 
being their own act," they were conceived by the government " guilty 
of the crime of bringing their blood upon their own heads. "^ Four 
victims suffered tlie penalty of the law for their obstinacy, rather than 
for their peculiar belief. 

In the case of Mary Dyar, we are told that Governor Endecott was 



* Many ye^rs after this, Satan raaJe reason of that law was, because God's people 

another assault upon God's poor people here here could not worship the true and living 

by stirring up the Quakers to come amongst God, as he hath appointed us in our public 

us, both men and women. But, blessed be assemblies, without being disturbed by them; 

God, the Government and Churches both did and other weighty reasons, &c. ; which law 

bear witness against them, and their loallisome was made for our peace and safety. — ifog^er 

and pernicious doctrine; for which they were Clap's Memoir. 

banished out of this jurisdiction, not to return ' Hazard's Hist, Coll., vol. 2, p. 581. 
without license, upon pain of death. The 

33 



90 MEMOIR. 

so desirous to save her life, that he even suggested to her the subterfuge, 
so at variance with his own ideas of morality, of denying her identity 
and thereby putting the Court to the proof. But so far from availing 
herself of this suggestion, she persisted the more upon lier being the 
self same person whom they had previously banished. Even at the 
gallows her execution was delayed and her life offered to her again 
and again, by the officer who was ordered to attend her for that 
express purpose, to the last moment, if she would promise to leave the 
Colony never more to return without leave from authority. But she 
would accept her life upon no other condition, than the repeal of the 
law under which she was about to suffer. 

The conduct of Governor Endecott in the proceedings of that period 
has ever been considered a dark stain upon his escutchon. Yet while 
we admit those sanguinary enactments, especially when contrasted with 
the present unrestrained exercise of all religions, and shades of religious 
belief, in most christian communities, to be blemishes of a deep dye 
on his administration, wo think they certainly ought not to be regarded 
as such upon his moral character. History, we believe, has done him 
a wrong in thus offering him up as an oblation for tlie prevailing 
intolerance of all Christendom at that period. Jt was not the cause of 
rehgion alone, which was thought to be endangered by the dissemination 
and triumph of such principles, but the overthrow of all civil 
government was looked upon as the ultimate result. Not a few writers 
in our land have endeavored to cast upon him the whole responsibility 
and obloquy of this dark page in our early history. True, he was the 
official organ through whom was carried into effect the established laws 
of the Colony, and "vox populi" was believed to be "vox dei." But 
so far as he was individually concerned, we think his motives were 



MEMOIR. 91 

pure and elevated, and that all his actions were based upon principle. 
Without doubt he partook, largely of the prevailing prejudices of the 
day against those people ; and the wild spirit of fanaticism found in 
him a strenuous and energetic opponent. But we hold that all men 
should be judged according to the light of the age in which they live, and 
the influences with which they are surrounded. In his dread of unlimited 
toleration he was not alone ; it was the prevailing temper of the times, 
and his errors in this respect, which he shared in common with the 
wise and good of his day, arose rather from an infirmity of judgment 
than any oblicpiity of heart. 

Even the " Simple Cobler of Agawam" abounds in the sharp spirit 
of rebuke of all opinionists. " Religio docenda est, non coercenda," 
says that facetious writer, " is a pretty piece of album latinum for some 
kinds of throats that are willingly sore ; but heresis de docenda est, 
non permittanda, will be found a far better diamoran for the gargarisms 
this age wants, if timely and thoroughly applied," The character of 
the Colonists had ever been exalted by religious fervour, and their 
solicitude for the purity of the faith, distinguished them above all 
others. To their apprehensions and distorted visions, this sect appeared 
like a hydra in embryo, which if allowed to attain a full stature, would 
assuredly overthrow both Church and State. Their only chance then, 
of escape from this dreaded calamity, was to strangle the monster in 
its infacy. It was an anxious day for the Colonists and spead the pall 
of sadness around their dwellings. Fasts were observed throughout the 
Colony " for the prevalence of seducers," and in a certain Church 
Covenant a clause was inserted of the following import, — "therefore 
we do covenant by the help of Jesus Christ, to take heed and beware 
of the leaven of the doctrine of the Quakers." Even in England, in 



92 MEMOIR. 

1656, one of this sect, by order of Parliament, had his tongue bored 
through with a hot iron. But although the prevalence of a bad custom 
cannot constitute its entire justification, jet as was said of Isabella the 
Catholic,^ with respect to the revival of the inquisition and the persecution 
of the Jews in Spain, " it should serve to mitigate our condemnation" of 
Governor Endccott " that he fell into no greater error thau was common 
to the greatest minds" of the age in which he lived. 

To the relief of Governor Endecott and the Colony, a mandamus from 
Charles the Second, dated 9th September, 1661,- put a stop to all 
proceedings against this sect, and such as had been apprehended were 
directed to be sent to England for trial. Before the receipt of this 
order, however, all that were in prison had been released and sent out 
of the Colony. But not in New England alone, as has already been 
said, was this sect persecuted ; — even in England itself, three years 
after this same Charles' restoration, he wrote thus to Governor Endecott 
with respect to religious toleration in the Colony : — " We cannot be 
understood to direct, or wish that any indulgence should be granted to 
persons commonly called Quakers, whose principles being inconsistent 
with any hind of government, we have found it necessary, Avith the 



' Prescott. England, and they should deliver their message 

' Of tlie receipt of this mandamus by the to none but the governour himself. ThcreupoA 

Governor, George Fox in his Journal, p. 326, they were admitted in, and the governour 

gives the following account. The commander came to them ; and having received the 

of the vessel, Ralph Goldsmitli, and Samuel deputation and the Mandamus, he putt off his 

Shattucif, a Quaker who had been banislied hat and looked upon them. Then going out 

from the Massachusetts Colony, "went tlirough he bid the friends follow. He went to the 

the town ( Boston, ) to the Governour's John Deputy Goveroour, and after a short consultation, 

Endecott's door and knocked. He sent out a came out to the friends, and said, " We shall 

man to know their business. They sent him obey his majesty's commands." 
word their business was from tlic King of 



MEMOIR. 93 

advice of our Parliament, to make a sharp law against them here, and 
wc are content you do the like there.^''^ 

In 1G58, the Court granted Gov. Endecott " for his great service" the 
fourth part of Block Island. At this time he was also elected President 
of the body of Colonial Commissioners. He now held the double office 
of Governor of Massachusetts and President of the United Colonies. 

His conduct towards the aborigines, that much abused and injured 
race, was always marked with forbearance, lenity and mildness. To his 
eldest son, John, the Indians in 1660, gave a tract of land which he 
applied to the Court to confirm. The Court declined taking such 
power on itself; — at the same time however, it passed the following 
highly complimentary resolve, — that "considering the many kindnesses 
which were shown the Indians by our honoured Governour in the 
infancy of these Plantations, for pacifying the Indians, tending to the 
common good of the Planters; — and in consideration of which the 
Indians were moved to such a gratuity unto his son, do judge meet to 
give the petitioner four hundred acres of land." 



' The Rev. George E. Ellis, of Charlestown, account of these troubles, in a series of lectures, 
Mass., lias given a very able and impartial which we believe has never been published. 



CHAPTER X. 

Death of Oliver Cromwell — Resloralion of ihe Stuart Family — Complaints against the Colonists 
— Letter lo John Leverett, Colonial Agent in England — Charles II. proclaimed King — 
Mandamus for the arrest of Whalley and Goffe — His Letter to the Earl of Clarenden 
thereupon — Explanation of his conduct. 

Oliver Cromwell, having died on the 3d of September, 1658, 
was succeeded by his son Richard, a man of shallow intellect, and 
wholly destitute of those qualities of mind which were requisite to fit 
him for his high and hazardous situation. He accordingly resigned his 
office on the 22d of April, 1659, and Charles the Second was restored 
to the crown, on the 29th of May, of the following year. Richard 
had never been acknowledged in the Colony ; nevertheless, this was an 
anxious period for its inhabitants. Petitions and complaints were preferred 
against them to the King and Parliament. They, however, made 
representation, on their part, of loyalty to the King, desiring ' that no 
complaints might make impression on his royal heart against them, nor 
any alteration imposed on them, till they understood the said complaints, 
and be heard to speak for themselves.'^ Accompanying these petitions 
and representations. Governor Endecott sent the following letter to 

John Leverett. The original is still preserved among his papers. 

Superscription, — " For his much honoured and loveing friend, 

Capt. Jxo. Leverett — These Del." 
" Sir, 

" By the former shipps you will receive Letters to two noble 

persons, — by this wee have sent a petition to his Ma'!* and a petition 



' See Gov. Endecott's letter to the Earl of Clarenden, see page 97 



MEMOIR. «5 

to tlie Parliam! , for the delivery and prosecution whereof, we have 
thought meete to desire yo' helpc, and our former experience of your 
readiness therein vV." wee cannot but with much thankfuhiess acknowledge, 
doth persuade us to rely upon yo' fidelitie of improoving yo' interest 
and paines, so long as yo' owne occasions shall detain you there, for 
w'.'' wee shall not only acknowledge ourselves yo.' debtors but be ready 
to discharge ourselves by the first opportunitie ; when yo' owne occasions 
shall call you thence wee have desired Mr. Saltonstall and Mr. Ashusst 
to take the care of the prosecution of o' busines, according to the 
instructions W'.'' wee herewith send, w".'* wee desire you to attend and 
shall pray for yo' good acceptance and sucesse therein and remain S', 

" Yo' assurred loveing friend, 

"Boston, I9th October, 166.0. Jo: Endecott," 

" S' Accept off my respects and service 
to you and yor wife ; these only are Copies 
of y! former sent by Mr. William Vessell and 
Coll" Browne, I pray hasten yf delivery of y° 
petitions not els but y! I am Yo!^ assured lo. 
tho' aflicted friend, 

Edw. Rawson, Secret'." 

The King was pleased to return a "gracious asnwer" at this time, 
to their petitions, which was acknowledged by a public Thanksgiving. 
Still the enemies of the Colony were not idle, nor were the minds of 
the Colonists easy, as to the course the King intended to pursue 
towards them. In 1661, upon intelligence from England of what was 
doing there to the prejudice of the Colony, Endecott fearing lest they 
should be visited with the heavy rod of oppression for their apparent 
want of loyalty, did not think it safe delaying any longer to proclaim 



96 MEMOIR. 

the King ; — and he called the General Court together for that purpose. 
A form being agreed upon, the King was publicly proclaimed in the 
Colony, on the 8ih of August of this year, by Secretary Rawson, 
accompanied with the usual ceremonies on such occasions. Affairs in 
England for some time after the restoration of Charles, wore a very 
doubtful aspect, and the Governor was evidently waiting until they became 
more settled before he allowed any overt act to jeopardize the interests 
of the Colony. 

A mandamus from the King for the apprehension of the regicides, 
Colonels Whalley and Goffe, who had fled to this country at the 
restoration, was received on the Gth JVIay of this year. It was dated at 
Whitehall, the 5th of March, 1660-1, and directed to John Endecott, 
Governor of Massachusetts, and by him to be communicated to the 
respective Governors of the United Colonies. Besides being of the 
Board of Commissioners who tried and condemned the King, Whalley 
had been a Lieutenant General, and Goffe a Major General, in the 
service of Cromwell. These unfortunate men were advised to quit the 
Massachusetts jurisdiction as soon as it was known they were exempted 
from pardon by the act of indemnity, and before the receipt of the 
mandamus. They were assisted to do so, and furnished with horses, 
and a guide to conduct them to New Haven. 

In reference to this and various other affairs of the Colony, the 
Governor wrote the following private letter to the Earl of Clarenden, at 
that time Lord High Chancellor.^ 

' Mass. Hist. Collection. 



MEMOIR. 97 

" Right Honourable, 

" These are to give your honour an account not only of the 

receipt of your honour's letter bearing date 15th Feb'y, 1660-1, and 

the enclosed copy of his majestie and councills order in reference to 

the business of merchants trading in New England, but also of my 

actings thereupon. Having ordered our Secretary Mr. Edward Rawson, 

a person of known fidelitie to his majestie, to pursue the directions 

therein required, I doubt not but he will give your honour a 

satisfactory account in his returns. At the same time that I received 

jour honor's letter and order, I also received from the Secretary of 

State, Sir William Morrice, his majestie's most gracious letter in answer 

to our humble address to his majestie, with his majestie's order for the 

searching after and apprehending Col. Whalley and GofTe, and sending 

them over in order to their trial for having a hand in the most horrid 

murther of our late sovereign, Charles the First, of glorious memory, 

both which I caused to be printed here, for the better furtherance of 

his majesty's service. What our Council did in order to the Colonels' 

apprehension before his majestie's order came to hand, with what zeal 

and fidelitie the Lord enabled mee to act in sending meet messengers, 

persons of known fidelitie to his majestie, with instructions and true 

copies of his majestie's letter, and order for their apprehension to the 

several governours of the other Colonies, or chief magistrates there, for 

the better accomplishment of his majestie's just commands, — an account 

thereof I have transmitted to the honorable Secretaries of State, Sir 

Edward Nicholas and Sir William Morrice, that so his majestie might 

understand the sinceritie of my endeavors to serve him. Our Council 

since having made a proclamation that whosoever shall be found to 

have a hand in concealing the said colonels, or either of them, shall 

answer for the same as an offence of the highest nature, and caused 

as 



98 MEMOIR. 

our Secretary to write unto the Governour of New Haven, in our 
names, to press him to the discharge of his duty ( in whose jurisdiction 
they were lately seen, and as wee are credibly informed by a report 
given out, that they came to surrender themselves — but they having 
desired a little time to be in private by themselves, before which 
pretended time had expired, they were by a youth met creeping through 
a field of come [ and ] made their escape. Yet [ wee ] are not without 
hope, that double diligence will be used by them of New Haven, to 
regain his majestie's favour, and that his inajestie therein may have full 
satisfaction, which I shall not be wanting to endeavour. Since the 
arrival of the last shippe from England, understanding by several that 
however wee thought our address to his majestie had been a sufficient 
proclamation of his majestie and manifestation of our due allegiance, yet 
that it was expected of his majestie's privy council that wee should 
formally proclaim his majestie here ; whereupon calling our General 
Court together to make a return of their deep sense of the unspeakable 
mercy of God, manifested in his majestie's gracious promise not only to 
protect and defend us in the liberties formerly granted us by his loyal 
father of glorious memory, but to confirm them to us, and not be 
behind his royal predecessors, which engageth this poor people on all 
occasions to manifest their due obedience, and continually to be petitioners 
to the throne of grace, for his majestie's long and prosperous reign on 
earth, and that an eternal crown of glorie may be his portion in 
heaven, when this life shall cease ; the Court ordered also his majestie 
to be proclaimed here, which was done the next day by our Secretary 
in the best form we were capable of, to the great rejoicing of the 
people, expressed in their loud acclamations, God save the King ! which 
was no sooner ended, but a troop of horse, four foot companies, then 
in arms, expressed their joy in their peals ; our forts and all the shipps 



MEMOIR. 99 

in oiir harbour discharged, our Castle concluded with » « * * 
all thundered out their joy. 

" Right honourable, I am the bolder to give your honour the trouble 
of this short account, that so, if your honour see cause as occasion 
may present, your honor may be pleased to inform his majestic and 
appear in our behalf to improve your interests with his majestic, that 
no complaints may make impression on his royal heart against us, nor 
any alteration imposed on us till we understand the said complaints, and 
be heard to speak for ourselves, which we doubt not will be to his 
majestie's satisfaction, of which your honor's favour, I hope your honour 
will have no cause to repent. Myself and the people here, as in duty 
we are bound, shall become suitors to the throne of grace, that the Lord 
would be pleased to endue your honor with wisdom and suitable abilities 
to serve him, and his majestic, in your generation, and pour on your head 
and heart a rich recompense of reward ; which is the prayer of him that is 
" Right honourable, 

" Your honours most humble servant, 

" Jo : Endecott. " 

Although he seldom yielded to expediency, even in matters of State 
policy, yet the apparent zeal exhibited in this letter to serve his 
majesty in the apprehension of the regicides, we are constrained to 
believe has in it more of dissimulation than reality — justified, even 
viewed politically, only by the exigencies of the times, and the 
precarious condition of the Colony. So long as they could avoid the 
suspicion of aiding the escape of these proscribed men, we have no 
doubt they secretly rejoiced in the failure of their own measures to 
prevent it. Gov. Endecott, it is true, did not approve of putting the 
King to death, but the Parliament, and not the Judges, were responsible 



100 MEMOIR. 

for that deed. His trial was a mere mockery of justice. There was 
consequently every thing to excite the flow of generous sympathy and 
commiseration towards those unhappy men, doomed to a horrible death, 
and who had sought in a land of strangers, a refuge from their blood 
thirsty pursuers. But the important interests which the Colony had at 
this time involved in all their proceedings, demanded that a show of 
loyalty should be kept up, and rendered the course pursued by Gov. 
Endecott, imperative. The sincerity of his conduct did not, however, 
altogether escape the suspicion of the restored monarch. 

Two agents, Mr. Norton, the Minister at Boston, and Mr. Simon 
Bradstreet, were sent to England in 1662, to answer certain complaints 
urged against the Colony. The King had desired that persons should 
be sent over for that purpose. They undertook the mission with great 
reluctance, but contrary to their expectations, were very graciously 
received by the King, who promised to confirm their Charter, and granted 
them pardon for past errors during the late troubles. This greatly 
rejoiced the hearts of the Colonists for the time, although the cup thus 
proffered them, contained some bitter dregs, in the form of exactions as 
to the general laws of the Colony, the Episcopal mode of worship, the 
book of common prayer, manner of elections, etc., which they were reluctant 
to adopt, and the subject was referred from one General Court to 
another, and was complied with only to a limited extent, and with 
certain qualifications, during the brief space which remained in the life 
of the Governor. The King, although he discoursed in fair words, 
entertained no friendly feelings towards the Colonists, but was waiting a 
fit opportunity to show them that he was not untnindful of their preference 
for democracy. 



MEMOIR. 101 

From this period to the time of his death, the Colony enjoyed 
almost uninterrupted prosperity. Political disscntions of various kinds, 
were sometimes allowed for a short period to disturb their tranquility, 
but they were only like occasional ripplings upon the sea of life, and 
were not permitted to retard the growth of the national welfare. Fears 
were constantly entertained of the disposition of Charles the Second, 
respecting the Charter, and finally in 1664, it was committed to the 
keeping of four trusty persons,^ to be disposed of as the interests and 
safety of the Colony should require. It was, without doubt, their 
intention to preserve the Charter at all hazards. 



' Bellingham, Leverett, Clark and Johnson. 

26 



CHAPTER XI. 

Dissolves his Connexion with the Salem Church — His Death and Burial — Not a favorite 
with Charles the Second — Reasons therefor — His fearless and independent spirit — Reflections 
at the close of his life — Situation of his Family at the time of his Death — Character 
of the Colonists generally. 

We have seen that Mr. Endecott removed from Salem to Boston in 
1655; yet neither heaaor Mrs. Endecott dissolved their connexion with 
the Salem Church until Novemher, 1664. A large and brilliant comet 
made its appearance on the 17th of November of this jear, and 
continued to the 4th of February following. It was the general belief 
of that period that comets were omens of great evil. One had appeared 
just before the death of the Rev. Mr. Cotton, and the death at this 
time of their aged Governor and the troubles the Colony met with the 
next year from the King's Commissioners, Hutchinson informs us, tended 
to confirm the people in their opinions. 

In the quaint language of the day, we are told that "old age 
and the infirmities thereof coming upon him, he fell asleep in the 
Lord on the 15th of March, 1665," at the age of seventy - seven, "and 
was with great honour and solemnity interred at Boston," on the 23d 
of the same month. His death was easy and tranquil. 

" Plaoidaque ibi demum, morte quievit." 

Tradition has handed down the fact that the Chapel Burying Ground 
was the place of his interment. The exact spot is not now known, 
and no stone marks the resting place of this intrepid Father of New 



MEMOIR. 103 

England.^ Yet his name alone will ever be a monument to his 
memory, more enduring than marble, and as imperishable as the granite 
hills of his adopted country. Although weakened in his physical 
powers, he enjoyed the undiminished exercise of his intellectual faculties 
to the last moment of his existence. Neither were the energies of 
his character diminished by age. He was as actively engaged in 
promoting every useful design for the benefit of the Colony in hia 
latter as in his earlier days. 

With Charles the Second, Mr. Endecott was not a favorite ruler. 
The inflexibility and sturdy independence of his character, would not 
permit him to yield with indifference to any violation of the chartered 
rights of the Colony, even though it proceeded from royalty itself; and 
all usurpations of the crown were regarded by him with extreme 
jealousy. His political bias, too, during the usurpation of Cromwell, was 
well known to the King. He was also in the Chair when the 
Commissioners from England arrived in Boston, with powers in many 
particulars over - riding the Charter, and clothed with authority to strike 
at the very root of some of the fundamental laws and most cherished 
rights of the Colony; — and their proceedings "were vigilantly regarded 
and in several instances strenuously opposed." Soon after their arrival 
Governor Endecott called a special session of the General Court, which 
was ' proclaimed by sound of trumpet to be the supremest judicature in 
all the Province,' and they passed the firm resolve to " adhere to their 
patent, so dearly obtained and so long enjoyed, by undoubted right in the 
sight of God and man," — and the 'Commissioners pretending to hear 



'According to tradition, his tomb stono was destroyed, with many others, by the British 
in perfect preservation up-to the comraencement soldiery, at the lime they occupied Boston, 
of the American Revolution, when it was 



104 MEMOIR. 

appeals was a breach of their privileges, and that they should not 
permit it." The fearless and independent spirit which pervaded their 
Councils at this period, was not well adapted to ingratiate their 
Governor with a selfish and arbitrary sovereign, acting under the baleful 
influence of profligate counsellors, and surrounded by the poisoned breath 
of s} cophants and flatterers. Their " commonwealth like way of 
government," was also made known to him by the Commissioners, who 
poured their numerous complaints into the willing ears of the King. The 
same firmness and resolution exhibited by the Colonists in the present 
crisis, was transmitted to their descendants, and distinguished the patriots 
of '76, upwards of one hundred years later. The Governor was held 
responsible for these proceedings, and brought by them under the royal 
displeasure, which manifested itself in an answer to a petition from the 
Colony, which was prepared the year before his death, in which the 
King's Secretary was instructed to say, that as " Mr. Endecott is not a 
person well affected towards his Majestie's person and government, his 
Majestic would take it well if the people would leave him out from 
the place of Governor." No greater praise can be awarded him as a 
fearless supporter of his country's rights than is implied in this very 
censure. He died, however, before the influence of the recommendation 
could be ascertained. But, in the language of a writer upon the events 
of that period, " as his integrity and firmness, in the great political 
questions then in agitation, merited the confidence and gratitude of his 



' The Coramissioncrs "gave out ihcir wisdom and courage into the hearts of Jus 

sumnnons, yea, for our then honored Governour servants then sitting in the General Court, to 

and Company personally to appear before them." give such answers and to make such declaration. 

But the Lord " stirred up a mighty spirit of that it put an end to their Court, and (through 

prayer in the hearts of his people. This poor God's goodness ) to our [troubles at that time 

country cried, and the Lord heard, and delivered about that iTiatter.'' — Roger Clap's Memoir. 
them from all ihcir fears. And the Lord put 



MEMOIR. 105 

countiy, there can be no doubt that this royal intimation to his prejudice 
would have been alto;rothcr disre'rarded.'" The fact of his lonir 
continuance in public service, is sufficient proof of the confuience and 
esteem in which he was held by the people. 

Alter thus portraying his eminent distinction and usefulness as a 
statesman and benefactor of his country, we deem it unnecessary to 
measure very exactly the magnitude and extent of his talents, or 
acquirements as a scholar. Suffice it to observe, they were always 
found fully equal to any emergencies, in. which during the course of a 
long life, it was his fortune to be placed. We arc aware of the attempts 
which have been made, by many writers, to degrade them ; but we 
have been unable to discover, upon the closest scrutiny, any evidence 
of the truth or justice of their assertions. For ourselves, we believe 
he was not inferior in abilities or learning to most of his contemporaries 
in tiie same spiiere of life. 

We have already shown his mind to have been strongly imbued 
with that dread of religious toleration, which characterized the age in 
which ho lived. But a more enlarged liberality than pervaded Christendom 
in his time, has been the standard by which writers of a subsequent 
period have judged his character ; as if his elevated position in the 
Colony should have enabled him to catch and reflect back the coming 
light of knowledge, long before it had fallen on the rest of mankind. 
He was undoul)todly a severe magistrate — but his severity was ever 
tempered with a love of justice; — and his veneration for Christianity 
and its institutions eminently qualified him for a good one. It has 



' HutchiDSon. 

37 



106 MEMOIR. 

been remarked by a recent writer, that " Governor Endecott was 
undoubtedly the finest specirot'n to be found among our Governors of 
the genuine Puritan character — of a quick temper, which the hal)it of 
military command had not softened, of strong religious feelings, moulded 
on the sterner features of Galvanism ; resolute to uphold with the sword 
what he received as Gospel truth, and fearing no enemy so much as 
a gainsaying spirit."^ " He was a very virtuous gentleman," says a 
chronicler of the events of that day, " and was greatly beloved of the 
most as lie well deserved."^ — " In his public and private relations," 
says the Annalist of Salem, " he was a man of unshaken integrity. For 
my country and my God was the motto inscribed upon his motives, 
purposes and deeds. That he had his imperfections, there is no doubt. 
But that he exhibited as few of them under his multiplitd duties, as 
the most excellent of men would in his situation, is equally correct. 
His many exertions for the prosperity of Salem, and his ardent 
attachment to it, should impress his name and worth upon the hearts of 
its inhabitants, so long as its existence continues." 

Thus lived and thus died, one of the principal founders and firmest 
pillars of New England. The generation of those hardy men who 
settled the Massachusetts Colony, was now rapidly passing away. 
Higginson, AVinthrop, Dudley, Skelton, Palfrey, and a long list of New 
England's earliest pioneers, had already preceded Endecott to the tomb. 
They were men singularly well adapted to this important and arduous 
enterprise. It was truly said of them by Stoughton, that " God sifted 
a whole nation that he might send choise grain over into this wilderness." 
All the circumstances of their condition served to implant in their minds 

' Hubbard's Edition of Belknap's Amer. Biog., 3, ICO. * Morton's N. E. Memorial. 



MEMOIR. 107 

an inextinguishable love of independence, and fit them to become the 
founders of a great republican empire. 

As the Governor drew near the close of life, how proud must 
have been his reflections, and how must his heart have swelled with 
delight, as he looked back upon the line of time and called to his 
recollection the day of his first landing in Salem with his little band of 
Pilgrims ; and then followed in his mind the gradations by which this 
little band expanded itself into an important Colony ! — had already risen 
and was still rising into consequence in the estimation of the whole 
world ! While he reflected, too, that ever since the days of iheir 
feebleness, and depression, when the wing of pestilence overshadowed 
their dwellings, and famine scowled around their little village, he had 
borne an influential and prominent part in every measure that had been 
devised to promote the public good — that the Colony had so far, as it 
•were, grown up under his immediate care and supervision,' we can 
scared V conceive of the hi^h souled satisfaction which must have 
hallowed and crowned his latter days. He had seen his most sanguine 
and cherished hopes more than realized — the barren wilderness rejoice 
and blossom as the rose. The events of the last thirty or forty years 
must have appeared to him scarcely less than miraculous, and with 
Simeon of old, he must have been ready to exclaim, " Lord lettest 
now thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes hath seen thy 
salvation." 



'"After the death of Mr. Dudley tlie mlo a PopuloiLS .Vatioii, under his Prudent 

Notice and Respect of the Colony fell chiefly and Equal Governmml, expired in a good old 

on Mr. John Endicot, who after many services age, and was llonourahly intcrr'd at Bostoni 

done for the Colony, even before it was yet March 23, lOGo." — Mather's Magnalia, p. 13. 
a Colony, as well as when he saw it grown 



103 MEMOIR. 

At his decease he loft a widow and two sons ; — the elder ^on left 
no children ; — the younger was a physician and resided in Salem. He 
was twice married, and a family of five sons and five daughters survived 
him. His second wife was Elizabeth, daughter of Governor Winthrop, 
and widow of the Rev. Antipus Newman, of Wenham. 

There exists a perfect genealogy of the Governor's family, and his 
posterity have now reached the ninth generation. It is the general 
impression that all bearing the name of Endicott in this country are 
descended from him. This is a mistake. There were families of 
" Indicotts" distinct from his, who resided in Boston and its vicinity 
some time |)revious to 1700. The two names probably had the same 
origin, though the orthography is so entirely different. Of these, there 
was a "John Indicott," Warden of the King's Chapel, and a man of 
some consequence, in 1691 ; " Gilbert Indicott," yeoman, of Dorchester, 
born in 1658 ; and a " William Indicott." They were contemporary 
with Governor Endecott's grand children, but were not derived from 
him. Gilbert and \\ illiam left many descendants, who now reside in 
Dedham, Canton, and the south part of Massachusetts ; also in 
Connecticut; and are daily spreading themselves over other portions of 
the country. Some still retain the same orthography as their ancestors, 
while others have changed it to Endicott, which has led to the 
prevailing error. What connexion, if any, existed between their ancestor 
or ancestors and Governor Endecott, is uncertain. It is not, however, 
improbable that they emigrated to this country under his patronage, and 
that they were in some way connected with him. The Governor and 
all his descendants to the third generation (1724,) spelt their names 
Endfcott ; since then an i has been substituted for the e in the second 
syllable. 



MEMOIR. 109 

111 New England, the male descendants of Governor Endocott 
became, at one period nearly extinct. In 1738, seventy - three years 
after his death, there were living only a great-grandson, named Samuel, 
and his children. The father of Samuel died about 1695, leaving him 
an only son, but seven years of age. As it resulted, tlio succession 
of his male descendants in New England depended on this child, all 
others having failed in male issue. Samuel, therefore, became the 
common ancestor of all bearing the name in New England, who are 
the descendants of the Governor. Joseph, the youngest son of the 
Doctor, and grandson of the Governor, emigrated to New Jersey in 
1698, where he died in 1747. Some of his descendants are now 
living in that State. 

There is an original portrait of the Governor extant, in possession 
of one of the family, taken the year he died. By this we learn that 
his countenance was open, energetic and independent, possessing much 
individuality of expression, and in perfect harmony with the character of 
the man.^ According to the custom of the age, he wore moustaches, 
and a tuft of hair upon his chin. The likeness, in many respects, is 
thought to be wonderfully preserved, among many of his descendants, at 
the present day. 

And now our task is done. We have endeavored only to perform 
what we considered a filial duty to our first American ancestor, who 
spent the most valuable part of a long life in the service of his 
adopted country, and fulfilled the high trusts committed to his care 



' Tiie miniature likeness which accompanies Historical and Genealogical Society, Boston, at 
this Memoir, was engraved from this portrait, their solicitation, 
and presented by the family to the New England 



110 MEMOIR. 

\vith an honesty of purpose, and a fidelity that knew no fear; having 
for his reward, far above all earthly distinctions, the approval of his 
own conscience in a life well and usefully spent. If we have succeeded 
by these various details, in enabling his posterity to form their own 
judgment of the merits of his character, which we had believed was 
not sufficieutly understood or rightly appreciated, we have accomplished 
all our aim in the undertaking, and received an ample recompense for 
our labour. 

" To say," remarks an able writer, " that the fathers of New 
England were not faultless, is merely to say that they were men ; to 
say that they established no institutions, the object of which was to 
bind the consciences of their successors, is praise as just as it is high. 
If they adhered with undue tenacity to their own opinions, and failed 
in charity towards those who differed, they at least left their posterity 
free, without any attempt to secure before hand the control of minds in 
other ages by transmitted symbols and tests. Above all, it may deserve 
thoughtful enquiry, before we condemn the founders of New England, 
whether a class of men less stern in their principles, and austere in their 
tempers, could have accomplished, under all the discouragements that 
surrounded them, against ail tiie obstacles which stood in their way, the 
great work to which Providence called them, — the foundation of a 
family of republics, confederated under a constitution of free representative 
government. There is every reason to believe, great and precious as 
are the results of their principles, hitherto manifested to the world, that 
the quickening power of those principles will be more and more displayed, 
with every leaf that is turned in the book of Providence." 

It has been proudly said, " no nation or state has a nobler origin 



MEMOIR. Ill 

or lineage thaa Massachusetts." Nothing can be truer. None but the 
loftiest and purest motives could have induced our ancestors to struggle 
with tlie stern climate and sterile soil of New England. There was 
no gold mine, or " El Dorado" to allure them. No tropical luxuriance 
to supply their wants by the spontaneous productions of nature. They 
could promise themselves no exemption from toil and suffering. — "In 
the sweat of thy brow shall thou eat bread," was sure to be their 
portion on this side of the ocean. In these days of our prosperity, there 
is little to remind us of the struggles and hardships of that forlorn hope 
of humanity who first landed upon these shores. We can have no 
realizing sense of it. From this very fact, I fear their posterity, who 
are now reaping the fruits of their principles and sacrifices, arc too apt 
to forget the debt of gratitude which is due to their memories and 
their virtues. It is the pride of England to trace their ancestry back 
to the Norman Conquest, to the vassal Chiefs who followed in the train 
of the Conqueror. But New England traces her origin back to a far 
nobler conquest — that of principles over tyranny and oppression: 

" Amung our sires no high born chief 

Freckled liis hand wiih peasnnl gore, 
No spurred or coronetted thief 

Set his mailed heel upon the floor; 
No I we are come of nobler line, 

With larger hearts wiiliin the breast. 
Large hearts by sulTering made divine — • 

We draw our lineage from the oppresstd." 



APPENDIX. 



The last AVill and Testament of John Endecott, Senior, late of Salem, 
now of Boston, made the second day of ye third Moneth called May, 1659, 
as foUoweth : 

I, John Endecott, being ( through the grace and mercy of God ) at this 
present in health, and of a sound memory, doe make this my last will and 
testament as followeth : 

Impkimis — I give to my dear and loving wife, Elizabeth Endecott, all that 
my farme, called Orchard, lying within the bounds of Salem, together with 
the dwelling house, out houses, barnes, stables, cow-houses, and all other 
buildings and appurtenances thereunto belonging or appertaining. And ye. 
orchards, nurseries of fruit trees, gardens, fences, meadow and salt marsh, 
thereunto appertaining. And all the feeding ground, and arrable and pasture 
grounds there, both that wch. is broken up and that wch. is yet to breake up ; 
as also all the timber trees for wood or other uses, together with all the 
swamps thereunto belonging or appertaining, during her natural life. 

Item — I give unto her, my said wife, all my moveable goods wch. are at 
Boston, in the house I now dwell in, viz: — all my beds, bedsteads, bolsters, 
pillows, coverlids, blankets, ruggs, curtaines, vallences, and all furniture 
belonging to them of one kind or another ; and all my carpitts, cushions, and 
all goods of that nature. Also I give unto her, my said wife, all my table 
boards, table linning, cubbords, cubbord clothes, chayres, stooles, trunks, chests, 
and any other goods now in my possession, viz : pewter, brasse, iron andirons, &c. 

Also — I give unto her all my silver plate and spoones, of one kinde and 
another, and all my linnen of what sorte soever. 

23 



114 MExMOIR. 

Item — I give unto her my said wife, all my ruther cattle of one kinde 
and another, as also all my sheepe; and all my wearing clothes wch. she 
may bestow on my children as she shall see good. 

Also — I give unto her all my bookes, whereof she may bestow on my 
two Sonns such of them as they are capable to make use of, and the rest 
to be sold to helpe pay my debts. 

Also — I give unto her, my said wife, my houses at Salem, and ye. 
grounds belonging unto them, and all the goods there wch. are mine, leaving 
to my wife full power to dispose of them, whether houses or goods, as she 
shall see good. 

Also — I give unto her, my said wife, all such debts as are due or shall 
be due unto to mee at the day of my departure, either from yo. country 
or from any person or persons inhabiting in this country, or in England or 
elsewhere. 

Also — I give unto her Cattay Island, nere Salem ( wch. ye. Gcn'all Court 
gave me) during her naturall life, and after her decease, to my two sonnes, 
.Tolm and Zerobable or unto the longest liver of them. 

Also — I give to John E.ndecott, my eldest somie, ye. ffarme wch. 1 
bought of Henry Chickering of Dedham ( wch. I formerly bestowed on him ) 
lying within ye. bounds of Salem, and all houses and lands, whether meadow 
or pasture or arrable land, as it is conveyed unto mee in an indenture bearing 
date ye. fowerth day of the eighth month, Anno 1648. And the said indenture 
or conveyance is to be delivered unto liim, and ye. said laud with the 
appurtenances to be to him and his heirs forever. 

Item — I give to him and my younger sonne Zerobable the whole ffarme 
called Orchard, to be parted indiflerently between them after the decease of 
my said wife. 

Also — I give unto Zerobable a ffarme out of the ffarme lying upon Ipswich 
River, containing three hundred acres, whereof fortie acres is meadow lying 
along ye. plaine by ye. River side next to Zacheus Gould his land, which 
lyeth by ye. brooke side yt. runneth into Ipsch. River at ye. furthest end of 
the plaine. 



APPENDIX. 115 

Item — I give unto my said loving wife, my eldest mare wcli. she is wont 
to ride on, and her eldest mare foal. 

Item — I give unto my sonne John Endecott ye. horse coult yt. now 

runnes with the mare. 

Also — I make my wife sole and only executrix of this my last Will and 
Testament, and doe desire yt. Elder Penn and Eider Coleborne will be the 
overseers of this my last will, and if God shall take cither of them out of 
ye. world, that ye. longest liver of ym. hath hereby libertie wth. my wife's 
consent to choose another overseer unto him. 

And whereas ye. Gen'all Court hath given unto me ye. fowerth part of 
Blocke Island, I doe hereby bequeath it unto my said wife to help pay my 
debts withall, if I dispose not otherwise of it before I dye.* 

Item — I give to my two sonncs, John and Zeuobable ye. two il'armes I 
bought, ye. one of Gapt. Traske, ye. other of Capt. Hawthorne, lying upon 
Ipswich River, next adjoining to my ffarme upon ye. said River. 

Item. — I give all ye. rest of ye. lands belonging to my ffarme upon the 
said River wch. is not disposed of, to my two sonnes John and Zerobable, 
my eldest sonne to have a doable portion thereof, also I give unto John 
Endecott and Zerobable all ye. land wch. was given me by the two Sachems 
of Quinebang, my eldest sonne to have a double portion thereof. 

Item — I give unto my grandchild John Endecott, Zerobable his sonne, 

ten pounds, wch. is to be paid him when he is one and twenty years of age. 

Also— Ye. land I have bequeathed to my two sonnes in one place or 

another, my will is yt. ye. longest liver of ym. shall enjoy ye. whole except 

ye. Lor4 send ym. children to inherit it after them. 

Item— I give to Mr. Norrice, Teacher of the Church at Salem XLs, and 
to Mr. Wilson, Pastor of Boston XLs, and to Mr. Norton, Teacher XLs. 

Item — I give to ye. poore of Boston ffower pounds to be disposed of by 

ve. Deacons of ye. Church. r i „ o^oi i 

' ' Jo : Endecott, [ and a seal. J 



*July 17, 1G60. Gov. Endecou sold it to Jolm Alcock of Roxbury-pr deed Registry 
Deeds, Suffolk. 



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d.?^l21}L 



116 MEMOIR. 

This is a True Copie of an Original! paper produced before the Generall 
Court 11 Oct. 1665 and remaines on file. 

Attest Edw : Rawson, Sec'y. 

So much of the foregoing -will as excluded the wife of his eldest son 
from receiving any benefit or support from his portion of the estate in case 
she should survive her husband, was set aside by the General Court in May, 
1666, as contary "to the reall intent of the above said John Endecott, Esqr. 
deceased, who had daring his life speciall favour and respect for her," and 
she was permitted to enjoy the income and improvement of her husband's 
portion during her natural life. 



E RK A T A . 



It is Stated on page 108, that " there exists a perfect genealogy of the Governor's family ;" — this 
was intended to apply to his descendants in New-England. Of ilie New-Jersev branch the ?enealo2V 
IS not complete. ■ 



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